Biological risks caused by the development of biotechnologies, economic and other human activities, the functioning of potentially dangerous biological objects and biological factors are the reason for the actualization of the right to biological safety. The article examines the concept and content of the right to biological safety, assesses the state and determines the prospects for improving its legislative regulation. The article substantiates the position that the right to biological safety has a hybrid character, since it refers simultaneously to personal, social and biological rights. Belonging to a group of biological rights determines its place in the system of rights of the fourth generation. As the result of the study, the authors conclude that the right to biological safety is complex not only in its structure, but also in terms of its existing relationships with other security facilities. Biological safety as the object of the studied law is considered in three key aspects (personal, anatomical and physiological). The components of the right to biological safety are disclosed on the following grounds: by the subject – bearer of this right, by its object and by the criterion of correlation with the rights of socio-biological significance. The assessment of the state and prospects of legislative regulation of the right to biological safety in the Russian Federation is given. The examples of the adoption of special biosafety laws in other states are shown. The difference in approaches to the legal regulation of the right to biosafety is revealed. In conclusion, the author's definition of the right to biological safety is given, as well as the importance and features of its formal legal certainty in the current legislation are substantiated.

The article considers the factors of state participation and support of nuclear energy and approaches to the classification of its models and forms. It is noted that the models for the development of nuclear energy with an insufficient share of state participation and support in modern conditions have shown their inefficiency, which has led to the lag of the countries implementing them (first of all, the USA, Great Britain, France, Sweden, etc.) from the competing states. The analysis of the program-strategic documents and legislative acts of these states adopted in recent years showed their desire to expand and accelerate the development of nuclear energy through a significant increase in state support for the industry. Among the measures of the latter, the author identified and characterized: the introduction of tax credits and benefits, the search for and approval of new ways to finance large infrastructure projects, strengthening the role of state authorities and administration, reducing the regulatory burden on the industry, launching programs to support the development of nuclear energy, legislative support. The conclusion is made about the reassessment, revision and desire for modernization by individual foreign states of the previously existing models of state participation and support for nuclear energy. It is emphasized that only the coordinated, systematic and comprehensive nature of the measures reflected in the regulatory legal acts that ensure their implementation can contribute to an increase in the share of nuclear energy in the energy balance of these states and have a positive impact on the solution of their economic, energy and climate problems.

The article considers hype in modern science, reveals its sources and its impact on knowledge production. Undermining trust, hype can have a negative impact on the social perception of science, on the choice of research priorities, which leads to uneven funding, on the assessment of risks and benefits of new technologies by non-specialists. At the same time, hype initiates the society inclusion in the discussion of the alternative visions of innovation development, helps to mobilize the scientific community and the necessary resources to solve promising issues of technoscience. Particular attention is paid to biomedical science, with which there are many expectations both in the field of disease treatment and improvement of the quality of life and its duration. The author's approach to this problem, based on the recognition of hype as an integral part of modern science, focuses on the ways to prevent its negative effects. Such efforts can be directed both at scientists, especially young ones, mass media and PR-departments of the academic institutions, and at work with the society. The latter implies taking into account the already accumulated experience of the non-specialists involved in scientific discussions within the framework of various initiatives to popularize science, to overcome the «knowledge deficit» of non-specialists and the «science and society» dialogue.

The article overlooks the processes which developed in the Polish academic and research sphere in the post-socialist period. The government’s approach toward scientific and higher education politics is being considered as well as the research organizations’ and universities’ accommodation to new economic and social realities. There are several stages of evolution of the Polish academic and science sphere at that period. The first one belongs to the period that followed the collapse of socialism and was characterized by vast autonomy of academic and research organizations without clear government’s scientific and educational policies. It resulted in huge educational expansion mainly by paid segment and decreasing of the research activity. At the same time research organizations were financed primarily by public means. The autonomy of academic organizations resulted in conserving traditional norms and spheres of activity in academic environment which didn’t create any stimulus for developing and integration in the international academic space. The Polish government became interested in developing research and higher education sphere approximately after the 2010s and undertakes a series of reforms that partly reduced the academic autonomy and created an evaluation system for the research effectiveness. Such reforms were criticized by some groups of the Polish academic community. At the moment we can say that some flagship research organizations have already emerged in Poland but a significant part of the academic community is partly marginalized.

Russian Studies as an established discipline has been continuously evolving for over a century, with American socio-political and area studies thought delving into various facets of the Russian reality. This article delves into the origins of Russian Studies in the United States, its unique methodological characteristics, and offers a periodization framework authored by the writer, highlighting the developmental phases of the discipline over the past century. It is worth noting that Russian Studies is an interdisciplinary field of academic endeavor, bringing together insights from diverse areas within the social and humanities sciences. The article also addresses the challenge of delineating the subject matter of this discipline and the development of research approaches for studying Russia, particularly within the historical context of the latter half of the 20th century. There is a specific focus on nurturing the growth of academic researchers and experts that specialize in Russian Studies and Sovietology. In this regard, the article posits the idea that Soviet Studies carries practical political-ideological and political-technological significance. It has emerged as a pivotal ideological force shaping public opinion and influencing the decision-making processes of American elites during the Cold War era. The article concludes by examining the contemporary challenges and prospects facing Russian Studies. It primarily concentrates on the present state of «Russian Studies», encompassing its theoretical underpinnings, empirical research, and ideological dimensions. This assessment occurs in the context of evolving public discourse about Russia within the United States and the considerable deterioration of U. S.‑Russia relations.

Modern technologies, especially the digital ones, have made serious changes to the existing world order. The use of technology as an instrument of economic and political influence by the largest transnational corporations and their states of origin has influenced the growing popularity of the concept of technological sovereignty. However, despite the allure of this concept, it is limited by the resources of the state. In this regard, the logical question is – what is next? The author’s position is based on the fact that the technological sovereignty of the states will gradually transform into the concept of technological cooperation based on the principles of technological equality of the states, considered as equality in terms of technology ownership. To confirm the hypothesis, a theoretical model of joint ownership of intellectual property objects by the states is proposed. The analysis of the model from the point of view of the Russian law, EU and EAEU regulations shows its fundamental feasibility. The model, as an instrument of the concept of equality and cooperation, does not show serious contradictions with the existing institutions, but the introduction of state technologies into the composition of the main rights holders changes its quality. It becomes not only a mechanism for the protection of property rights, but also a political and economic mechanism, a mechanism of interstate relations. The model shows the possibilities of forming of the collective technological sovereignty by friendly states, reducing technological dependence on the largest TNCs and their states of origin, and can be considered as a principle of international technological cooperation for the new economic model of Russia.

With the start of Russia’s Special Military Operation in Ukraine, scientific organizations and Russian science as a whole became the object of sanctions pressure from the collective West. Meanwhile the state of domestic science at the time of aggravation of geopolitical contradictions can hardly be considered satisfactory. Its main problems are well known: chronic underfunding, lack of demand for research results from business, declining positions in world rankings, negative dynamics of scientific personnel and their uneven distribution across regions. As a result of external changes, new risks have appeared for the scientific sphere of the country: the rupture of international relations and the limitation of the flow of new knowledge, modern scientific equipment and necessary supporting materials, the outflow of scientific personnel abroad. The forced growth in demand from business and state structures for domestic developments opens up new opportunities for the science in Russia, but their use requires an appropriate government support. Threats to the country scientific complex are recognized at different administration levels, but the ideas about the necessary actions are contradictory, and the efforts made are not always effective or efficient. This requires the development of measures to support and stimulate scientific activity that are optimal for Russian reality, the implementation of which should become a priority direction of the state policy. There is an obvious need to increase funding for civil science and restore its applied areas, as well as to strengthen the cooperation and coordination of the activities of all scientific structures. Ensuring defense capability and security, achieving technological sovereignty, maintaining the level of education and public health protection in Russia are impossible without progressive development of the scientific sphere.

China is facing growing geopolitical and socio-economic challenges and rising technology intensity of the Chinese economy is seen as a rational response to it. The PRC is focusing on the priority areas: microelectronics, emerging digital technologies, electric vehicles, etc. These measures increasingly correlate with other policies: supporting GDP growth (rise of output, employment, exports and domestic demand for high-tech); reducing critical vulnerabilities of the national high-tech sector from imports and sanctions; laying basis for accelerated growth. However, this has only limited potential for the innovative transformation of the Chinese economy. New approaches to the technological development are needed, also including the relations between the state and the business sector. The Chinese technology policy traditionally relies on large companies – «national champions». But due to the limited efficiency of both stateowned enterprises and private companies, in recent years fast-growing tech-intensive small and medium enterprises appeared in the focus of government support. Initially, they were used for import substitution and development of critical industrial technologies. But now these «little giants» are seen by the PRC as a means to balance the national innovation system (including new sources of «creative destruction»). However, this – as well as other policies and instruments –also has an ad-hoc nature. The PRC needs to systematize its policy and stress connections between different measures and actors. The role of the state is also questionable since it becomes more interventionist. Further formation of the NIS institutions is required.

The article reveals the concept of intellectual environment as a community of people aimed at creating an intellectual and creative product and connected by a certain communication field. This community is considered as a cumulative subject of an innovative product, as a part of the public space, responsible for production, exchange, distribution and reproduction of intellectual resources. The article provides an overview of existing approaches and concepts used to study this phenomenon, such as «epistemic community,» «intellectual milieu,» «knowledge society,» «information society,» «knowledge economy,» «free-floating intelligentsia», «human capital», «intellectual capital», etc. The basic factors contributing to the effective development of the intellectual environment are considered: socio-political, economic, communicative, socio-cultural ones. Particular attention is paid to the specifics of the Russian tradition of the intellectual environment formation, revealing the discontinuous and non-linear type of its evolution both in the relation to the global intellectual environment and in relation to its own intellectual roots and tradition. The specific dual nature of the intellectual field of Russia, associated with the peculiarities of its modernization process, is emphasized. In conclusion, the idea about two possible vectors for the development of the global intellectual environment: segmental and integrative is expressed as an important dilemma of modern international politics.

The research represented in the paper aims at determining the degree of awareness of scholar beginners about the essence of their professional activity. In particular, we study the verbal conceptualization of the notions «scientific method», «research protocol», and «specific research protocol» by highlighting and analyzing the composition of lexico-semantic fields, constructed on the definitions given by the respondents through sociological survey. The introduction describes the social conditions in which the issue of professional activity reflection by scholar beginners becomes significant and topical. The paper reveals the content of the notions under study, presented in the scientific and methodological literature, and also describes the methodology and results of the ongoing empirical research. Based on the results obtained, the paper reveals similar and differentiating lexico-semantic components within the meanings of the notions under study. Based on the 99 lexico-semantic components and their intersection in the composition of lexico-semantic categories, generalized interpretations of the notions under study were modeled. It was possible to fix that the notions «research protocol » and «specific research protocol» are considered by the respondents as synonyms, but at the same time they differ from the notion «scientific method» mainly in the core of the most presented lexico-semantic category «phenomenon nomination».

The purpose of this study is to pose the problem of analyzing the relationship between conceptual (linguistic) and social changes, as well as to reveal the role of socio-political speech action of political theorists as key actors in these processes. The article considers the issues of the construction and changes of social and political reality, as well as the role of speech acts in these processes as a special type of social action. According to J. Searle’s general theory of social reality, speech acts are seen as the basis and a necessary condition for socio-political changes. The structure and elements of speech acts are described within the framework of J. Austin’s theory of speech acts, supplemented and formalized by Searle. The article discusses the influence of this theory on the formation of the theoretical and methodological approach of the Cambridge School of Intellectual History, used to understand the analysis of socio-political changes in various societies and historical periods. As an example of such research, the article describes the main elements of the approach of one of the Cambridge School’s founders Quentin Skinner. The analytical tools used by Skinner and his colleagues help to understand the connection between conceptual and social changes in the history of political thought. Considering political theorists as ideologists, Skinner explains through the analysis of political languages and ideological context how authors-ideologists, using statements that are the basis of their theoretical concepts and rhetoric, intentionally take certain actions that change the social reality. The possibilities, attempts and prospects of applying the Cambridge School’s methodology to the Russian history are also considered.

This paper represents an effort to bring new light to the unique scientific legacy of the Soviet Marshal B. Shaposhnikov. By applying his cautionary advice to the present day, we can identify the underlying causes of the decline in strategic thinking among the world’s leading powers. Strategic theory, as a method of scientific analysis, sits at an intersection of disciplines. Born of military thought, it soon caught the attention of historians. Today, the field of strategic theory is being increasingly contested by political scientists and foreign affairs analysts. The disconnect between strategy and policy remains one of the most dangerous pitfalls in state governance. While the problems, achievements and contradictions of strategy usually appear topical and relevant, they are best revealed in a wider historical context.