Modern science has almost always evolved in the context of dominant languages that facilitate communication among scientists across national boundaries. However, over the past thousand years, several languages have fulfilled this role in significant regions of the world – most notably Arabic, Latin, Classical Chinese, and German. Since the second half of the twentieth century, English has taken a leading position; however, it still accounts for less than 50% of all scientific publications. As the article demonstrates, precise statistics are lacking, and the available data can be interpreted in multiple ways. Moreover, the use of national languages varies considerably across scientific disciplines. In many areas of the social sciences, for instance, it remains impossible to gain a comprehensive understanding of current scholarly knowledge without engaging with literature published in Chinese, Spanish, Russian, and other official languages of major research and development powers. In this context, Russia – advocating for a more polycentric world order – should adopt state policy measures aimed at promoting the Russian language internationally, particularly within the scientific and educational domains, while also strengthening its status domestically. This, however, does not imply a rejection of English. As the article argues, addressing specific challenges requires a nuanced, well-calibrated policy that integrates a diverse set of complementary instruments. 

The authors explore the strategies, concepts, and perspectives of the Swedish academic community during the creation of the European Research Council. This case is of particular research interest because representatives of Swedish research funding organizations and academies actively participated in the project and exerted a measurable influence during its final stages. The article examines the roles played by Swedish political actors and analyzes the factors that shaped their positions and strategies. Its main objective is to investigate how domestic political processes affect supranational institution-building and to identify the specific dimensions of this influence. The authors assess whether the positions of these actors reflect public policy goals, the interests of particular organizations and advocacy groups, or whether they act on behalf of transnational communities. These questions are addressed through the lens of three distinct versions of institutional theory. The authors conclude that the influence exerted by Swedish actors followed a bottom-up pattern: the driving forces behind the changes were scientists and representatives of the academic community, while the government played the role of guarantor – approving and legitimizing the proposed initiatives. Additionally, the positions taken by these actors are viewed as a continuation of Sweden’s national development trajectory. In other words, the nature of prior domestic events helped shape the European agenda that was emerging at the time. 

The Northeast Asia region (NEA) consists of states with a high degree of socio-economic development, for which the issues of achieving carbon neutrality are among the strategic priorities, and governments address them with the help of a wide range of measures. To achieve the overall goals of decarbonization, it is necessary to reduce carbon dioxide emissions in all sectors of the economy, including heavy industry and transport. Hydrogen is now considered one of the key options for reducing CO₂ emissions in these sectors. The gradual decrease in the cost of renewable energy sources (RES) and electrolyzers contributes to increasing the economic attractiveness of hydrogen produced by electrolysis of water using renewable electricity – this method is a priority for NEA countries that do not have sufficient reserves of coal, oil, and natural gas. The fundamental difference between the hydrogen energy sector and traditional fossil fuels is that hydrogen is an energy conversion industry, not a raw material extraction one. It is also important that the growing share of intermittent renewable energy generation in the energy balance of NEA countries creates a demand for large-scale energy storage, which may also be provided by hydrogen. Sustainable and effective institutions play a crucial role in stimulating the process of partial transition to hydrogen energy, as they contribute both to the development of appropriate policies and to the consistent implementation of decisions across the economy. A review of the status and prospects for the implementation of such institutions in NEA countries allows for a substantive understanding of the basic institutional characteristics of the countries under consideration, as well as their distinctive features. NEA countries (China, Japan, and the Republic of Korea, in the context of this article) are among the world leaders in the development of low-carbon hydrogen energy. Therefore, the study of the institutional framework related to this area is of justified scientific interest. 

The article examines fundamental issues related to the characterization of the human right to life in the natural environment in connection with institutions of environmental and biological security. In addressing the stated objectives, the authors explore the concept and content of the right to life in the natural environment, identify the subjects and objects of this right, and touch upon key aspects of the public-law mechanism for ensuring environmental and biological security as a guarantee of the realization of this right. The article presents successful examples of legal regulation and judicial protection of the right to life in the natural environment in foreign countries, including practices based on the principles of generational equality and intergenerational justice, which currently require broader dissemination. The object of the research is constitutional legal relations concerning the regulation and realization of the human right to life in the natural environment. The purpose is to study recent state policy practices in the field of environmental and biological security, and to identify modern mechanisms for countering environmental and biological challenges and threats. The research methodology includes methods of formal logic, comparative legal analysis, as well as dialectical and systemic-structural approaches. As a result of the study, the authors conclude that it is necessary to develop an effective national policy for the legal protection of the natural environment as a living space, in conjunction with measures to ensure environmental and biological security. Achieving this goal requires the definition of the concept and content of the human right to life in the natural environment, along with the development of public-law mechanisms for legislative regulation and judicial protection of this right. 

The article focuses on analyzing the relationship between investor reactions to a company’s compliance with international environmental standards and its financial performance. This analysis helps determine whether investor responses to a company’s actions or inactions regarding such compliance affect its financial efficiency. Using the experiences of Russian and foreign companies as examples, the article describes how adherence to international environmental standards influences business-investor relations and how investor reactions to companies complying with these standards may contribute to the growth of their market capitalization. The analysis examines the connection between investor responses to ESG reports published by companies and performance indicators such as ROA, ROE, and market capitalization, drawing on examples from several resource companies, the aviation industry, and the banking sector. The author concludes that compliance with international environmental standards has a positive impact on a company’s financial performance, provided that the company maintains relatively stable financial conditions and operates in a favorable economic environment. However, during market crises – such as the pandemic or the imposition of economic sanctions – an effective ESG policy cannot fully prevent a decline in market capitalization. According to the author, the trend of popularizing international environmental standards within the business community is likely to continue, as compliance with such standards can offer companies a tangible market advantage under favorable external conditions. 

The article examines key current and prospective directions in the development of international trade within the context of the transition to a “green economy.” An analysis of the current state of this transition reveals that, despite a substantial body of research and theoretical work, two key issues remain unresolved. First, it is still unclear which products should be classified as “eco-friendly goods,” which form the basis of “green” trade. Second, no effective measures have yet been implemented to establish rules or frameworks for regulating international trade during the transition to a green economy. The author posits that categorizing products from an ecological perspective is necessary for more effective regulation of international trade under contemporary conditions. The Harmonized System of Description and Coding of Goods is presented as the most universal and effective tool for regulating of international trade. The study aims to develop proposals and recommendations for improving foreign trade regulation amid the shift to a green economy, illustrated through the modernization of the Harmonized System of Description and Coding of Goods. Practical suggestions are offered for integrating key principles of the green economy into customs activities. The article’s conclusions have theoretical significance in that they propose a general approach to revising of the Harmonized System strategically. They also hold practical value by offering recommendations for incorporating relevant terms and definitions into the Harmonized System of Description and Coding of Goods and other international trade documents. 

Amid increasing global mobility of taxpayers and their assets, the issue of taxation upon migration between tax jurisdictions has become particularly relevant. This article is dedicated to an analysis of the “exit tax” regime in the United States, where a tax is levied on citizens as they exit the national tax jurisdiction.
The article provides an overview of the U.S. taxation system, the evolution of legislation regarding the exit tax regime, and its impact on human rights. The U.S. taxes the worldwide income of its citizens and residents – including income, inheritance, and gift taxes – while non-resident foreigners are taxed only on income earned within the U.S. These differences in taxation may prompt some U.S. citizens to renounce their citizenship in order to be taxed as non-resident foreigners. The right to renounce citizenship is internationally recognized, and any restriction on this right must be strictly justified. The findings of this article suggest that the introduction of the exit tax may significantly constrain the right to renounce citizenship, creating practical obstacles for expatriates. Among these are additional administrative barriers and the necessity to liquidate assets to meet tax obligations. The author concludes that these measures cast doubt on the effectiveness of the tax in terms of budgetary gains, as it restricts individual rights and disrupts the balance between state interests and human rights. 

The article studies the emergence and evolution of governments-in-exile. The Westphalian world order, which has been established globally, dictates the a priori territorial nature of the state per se. The government apparatus, as an element of the state, is also a priori territorial. However, governments-in-exile represent an exception to this territoriality, as they claim to possess sovereignty. A deeper study of governments-in-exile could provide a more complete understanding of the link between sovereignty and territory. The authors analyze the causes behind the emergence of governments-in-exile, as well as their functions in a historical context. A total of 44 cases of governments-in-exile are examined. The authors identify the following as defining features of such governments: being located abroad, aiming to return to their homeland, and claiming sovereignty over a declared territory. In the historical context, the phenomenon is studied according to the following parameters: connection to the territory of origin, access to the proclaimed territory, presence of competing exile projects, dependence on armed conflicts for emergence, duration of existence, and degree of success – understood as the ability to return from exile. The article concludes that governments-in-exile constitute a distinct phenomenon in international relations. Functionally, such governments share certain similarities with opposition parties operating from abroad. However, their claim to exclusive sovereignty over a specific territory distinguishes them from opposition parties. This sovereignty is intersubjective, meaning that the success of such structures largely depends on the expansion of their intersubjective recognition. 

The article examines the process of state-building through the prism of the theory of ontological security. The idea that actors seek a stable image of themselves in the world allows for the consideration of threats to community security in non-physical dimensions. The author attempts to conceptualize the notion of “routinization” – the repetition of certain actions aimed at bracketing out anxiety and strengthening the ontological security of the community. Drawing on the ideas of A. Giddens, J. Mitzen, B. Steele, and F. Ejdus, the author argues that routine, constructed both by the actors themselves and through inter-actor interaction, is a fundamental method of coping with critical situations. At the same time, it is precisely critical situations that create opportunities for changing existing routines. The case of Croatia in the context of the collapse of socialist Yugoslavia illustrates the idea of state-building as the pursuit of ontological security.
The critical situation associated with the breakdown of the routines of “brotherhood and unity” was marked by the reactivation of ethnic tensions. It is thus most effective to analyze the development of this critical situation through the interaction of four actors: F. Tuđman, S. Milošević, Croats, and Serbs. F. Tuđman played a significant role in shaping the routines of “Franjonism” as a response to the critical situation. “Franjonism” was expressed through the opposition between Croats and Serbs, and the deconstruction of Yugoslavia’s past within Croatia. State-building in the spirit of “Franjonism,” however, not only increased the ontological security of Croats but also led to the emergence of a new critical situation between Croats and Serbs, the resolution of which escalated into a fullscale armed conflict. 

By the mid-2020s, the armed forces of most NATO member states had seen little to no growth. At the same time, NATO’s overall military power has been increasing rapidly. The political determination behind this trend and its possible consequences are examined through the example of the transition to the New NATO Force Model, initiated in July 2022. Changes in the structure and deployment of troops reflect the actor’s probable strategic intentions. These plans may not necessarily be implemented, but they must be taken into account in foreign policy forecasting – especially in the context of a shifting world order, where the importance of the use of force is growing significantly. The article traces the evolution of NATO’s permanent troop groupings from the mid-2000s to 2024. The expansion of the NATO Response Force (deployed from depth) and Forward Presence was based primarily on the use of resources from the “old” European member states. This principle also underpins the New NATO force model (NNFM). It provides the United States with built-in control over the use of European partners’ potential and greater freedom of maneuver in deploying its own forces (primarily for the containment of China and Iran). The elites of European member states have provided a practical guarantee that the Alliance will continue to function even in the event of a critical reduction in the U.S. contribution. At the same time, this has created the effect of strengthening the autonomy of European actors – though in reality, this autonomy remains closely tied to the interests of the White House. As a result, these states have found themselves on a path-dependent trajectory toward deepening confrontation with Russia.