The constitutions of the majority of the existing states reflect a negative attitude towards secession: from the establishment of a number of constitutional principles (the unity of the nation, the integrity of the state, etc.), which are interpreted by the bodies of constitutional control as directly or indirectly hindering the implementation of secession, to its direct prohibition. Only a small group of constitutions contain provisions allowing secession. Along with this, in the international legal field, wherein the states operate and declare the recognition of the principles thereof, there is a principle of recognition of the right of nations to self-determination. Within the framework of national law the secession, which was a precondition for the existence of the significant number of the contemporary states and, as such, served as the basis for the proclamation and approval of their independence, is considered at the official level as an important and significant event. It is celebrated as official holidays, anniversaries of independence, also states may support customs and traditions that are associated with the secession.
The article shows that this “double standards”, applied by a significant part of modern states to past and future secessions is caused by, on the one hand, state obvious interest to preserve integrity, and, on the other hand, the traditions rooted in the past. The doctrine that justifies the strictly negative state attitude towards secession is not ideal, contradictory, based on the currently transforming concepts and theories; thus counter-arguments were developed based on fundamental constitutional theories and research. The diversity and inconsistency of the doctrine forces the contemporary state to either seek a balance between conflicting theories and approaches, or to adhere to one of them — usually not the most actual one. The necessary combination, synchronization of international legal and constitutional legal attitudes towards the regulation of secession can be ensured, first of all, if such regulation is based on the principle of the priority of human rights. At the same time, in contrast to the principle of the sovereign right to dispose of their territories by the states based on the model of property rights, which has feudal roots (which is also being modernized and transformed in the context of globalization), the humanitarian approach to ensure the right of people to self-determination is designed to guarantee the possibility of a free and rational choice of the form of their state existence by regional and local communities.

The uncontrolled territories (UT) attract the attention of an increasing number of researchers; however, most publications are devoted to only one type of UTs – unrecognized states. The objective of this paper is to assess and analyze changes in territory and population of all UTs in different macro-regions of the world through 2006–2010 and 2014–2019. Five main directions of studies of such territories are identified and characterized. The authors distinguish several types and patterns of territorial control, propose a typology of UTs and consider in detail the methodology and difficulties of creating a corresponding database. The aggravation of the geopolit ical situation in the second decade of the 21^th century led to an increase in the number of international conflicts and in the area and population of UTs in Asia, Africa and Europe. The de facto secession largely affected the vast zones of problematic statehood in Asia and Africa, where according to the authors’ estimates, about 45 million and 138 million people live, respectively. The emergence of UTs is a special case of the fragmentation of the political space at different territorial levels – a consequence of the turbulent transformation of the world geopolitical order.

For modern states, secession is a radical way of resolving the accumulated contradictions between them and the “mother” states, into which they entered for one reason or another. Ever since the adoption of the United States Declaration of Independence in 1776, a kind of tradition of formalizing the secession with a special act of independence has emerged in international law, in which its creators describe the reasons that prompted such a radical decision, declares the supremacy of the legislation of the seceded entity and contains a request for recognition of the sovereignty of the newly formed states from the international community.
Analysis of such acts can provide valuable information on the reasons for secession and allow the development of legal mechanisms to prevent it. Within the framework of this work, the acts of independence of the Baltic republics of 1988 – 1990 are considered, adopted during the collapse of the socialist system of Eastern Europe. Being the flagships of this process, Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania in their acts substantiated their choice in the most detailed way, in connection with which the declarations they adopted are of undoubted interest for the researcher.
Based on the method of modeling historical processes and the concept of “path dependence”, taking into account the material on the reasons for the secession obtained in the framework of the analysis of acts of independence, an attempt was made to develop a model of “peaceful secession” of the Baltic republics, which would be possible in the case of choosing a different option of behavior at the points bifurcation. The author names the development of a new Union Treaty, reforms of the perestroika period, the choice of the vector of ethno-national policy in the Union republics, the choice of the legal basis and the procedure of secession as the main points of “branching” that open “windows of opportunity” for the Baltic republics. The negative consequences of the current scenario of the development of relations between Russia and the Baltic republics and the advantages of a peaceful resolution of the conflict between the seceding and the “mother” state are described.

The secessions of Slovenia and Croatia – two interrelated and interdependent processes – put an end to the existence of the socialist federal Yugoslavia. The article examines the mutual influence of the identity transformations of the Slovenes and Croats in the second half of the 1980s – early 1990s and the disintegration of the SFRY. Historical and cultural background, the influence of socio-political conditions and the purposeful efforts of key actors to transform identities are analyzed.
It is shown that the main vector of changes in the identity of Slovenes and Croats in the second half of the 1980s – early 1990s favored secessions, but they were not predetermined. The influence of external factors was very strong, including, firstly, changes in the political landscape of Serbia and their echoes in the structures of power at the federal level, and, secondly, the approaching collapse of the political regime in the USSR and other countries of Eastern Europe, and also the end of the Cold War.
The actions of political leaders were of particular importance for the transformations in the sphere of identity. Thanks to their efforts, the secessionist strategies strongly affected the identities of Slovenes and Croats. But in Croatia, with the coming to power of F. Tudjman and the Croatian Democratic Union, practically the entire system of government bodies began to function in the regime of a “nationalizing state” (R. Brubaker).

On January 31, 2020, the UK left the European Union. Since the 2016 referendum, there has been a significant body of literature designed to answer the question of why the country’s residents made such a decision. This article contributes to scientific research on the subject under consideration.
The novelty of the presented research is that, unlike most of the available works, it does not focus on the problems of migration and the deterioration of the socio-economic conditions of the country’s indigenous population. The article proves that these factors alone do not explain such broad support for Brexit by all segments of the population. The social transformation of the entire Western society, which led to the destruction of the usual social ties and traditional foundations of self-identification, is considered as one of the key reasons for the development of separatist sentiments in the UK. A person ceases to feel part of something whole and unchangeable, which causes a sense of fear, uncertainty and helplessness in many people, regardless of social affiliation. This forces us to look for a source of stability in the country’s past, when it was an independent and great Empire, which is embodied in the myth of “Global Britain”.
The populist slogan “Take Back Control” is based on the historically insurmountable institutional differences between the UK and Europe, the main one being the UK’s attitude to the case law of the European court of justice, whose broad interpretations were included in the country’s administrative practice, which clearly contradicted the residents’ idea of democracy.
Finally, author analyzes how these deep assumptions were embodied in the populist rhetoric of the “Leave” company, whose supporters used the post-truth methodology, offering a wide range of populist tools of both intellectual and emotional nature for almost all groups of the population, very accurately selecting information for various communication channels.
The results of this study can be useful for analyzing nationalist and separatist sentiments in Western countries and predicting future developments.

Greenland, the biggest island in the world inhabited predominantly by Inuits, was a Danish colony before 1953 and has since then been a part of the Danish realm with a gradually increasing autonomy. Some 2/3 of its population favor a complete secession, but the heavy dependence upon Danish budget subsidies is the main challenge.
The Chinese government and companies have since 2005 maintained a close dialogue with Greenland as an entry point to the Arctic and a rich base of natural resources (including rare earth elements), though there has not been major investments yet. The U.S. have lately tried to halt this cooperation for the reasons of foreign, security and resource policy, and to put Greenland under a tighter American control. President Trump’s purchase offer in 2019 was the most publicized initiative. Denmark, despite its close alliance with the United States, is worried by either American or Chinese involvement and tries to become a good patron for Greenland to prevent its secession. Meanwhile, the Greenlandic authorities confirm their political will to struggle for a complete independence from Denmark.
The article suggests three medium-term scenarios, with Greenland remaining in an gradually looser union with Denmark, moving into the U.S. domain and acquiring a full statehood with a subsequent competition of great powers. Whatever the outcome, Russia shall monitor the development closely and play an active role in the Arctic, not taking a part in the US-China rivalry.

In February 2019, Administration of Hong Kong initiated Extradition Bill, which sparked mass protests in June. The scale of the protests was unprecedented in the history of the SAR and resulted in violent clashes between police force and young radicals organized by ‘localist’ groups.
The authors present a short history of interaction between pro-Beijing and pan-democratic camps in the territory concentrated on the reform of the election system of the SAR. They conclude that exacerbation of the political stand-off in Hong Kong started in 2007 when the authorities promised a possible transit to universal suffrage in 2017. The demands for this transit were not satisfied in 2014 leading to ‘Umbrella revolution’ – the first manifestation of radical youth movements.
Detecting the causes of the conflict the authors look into the concept of ‘Hong Kong identity’ as opposed to ‘Chinese identity’ popular in sociological studies of the public opinion in the SAR. They try to investigate other reasons for the growing distress and protests of young generation of Hongkongers, both indigenous and exogenous. The latter correlate strongly with a general trend towards deterioration in Sino-American relations. A wide picture showing interference of the US in Hong Kong’s political life and instigation of protests in 2019-2020 is presented.
In the stormy 2020, however, political situation in Hong Kong became more stable following adoption of the Law on Safeguarding National Security in the Hong Kong by the China’s parliament in late June. Closing some loopholes in the SAR legislation the Law facilitates the fight with radical groups. Still, a major healing in interaction of pan-democrats and loyalists is ahead to address gloomy economic and social situation in the territory.

The relations between South Korea and North Korea were improved in 2018 on the basis of the Sunshine policy ideational platform and the inter-Korean agreements reached between the two countries under the progressive administrations of Kim Dae-jung in 2000 and Roh Moohyun in 2007. However, inter-Korean relations had been at a lull since the US-North Korea summit in Hanoi in February 2019 despite the intentions of the parties to develop diverse forms of cooperation. After that, the month of June saw a severe deterioration in the Inter-Korean relations. The aim of this article is to analyze the inter-Korean relations and the North Korean policies of the South Korean governments from 1998 to 2020 as well as explain the reasons behind Seoul’s inability to make progress in dialogue with Pyongyang. South Korea’s prioritizing of its ties with the United States as well as its increased dependence on the United States were the main reason behind the stagnation of inter-Korean relations. Under the international regime of sanctions against the DPRK, Moon Jae-In has failed to put the Sunshine policy into practice, for instance, re-open Kaesong Industrial Complex and Mount Kumgang tourism zone. The fact that inter-Korean economic cooperation was actually still linked to the denuclearization of the DPRK also had a negative impact on the prospects for maintaining the positive dynamics of inter-Korean relations. The exacerbation of inter-Korean relations in June 2020 showed that in the absence of practical inter-Korean cooperation and with the continuing deadlock in the US-North Korean negotiations on the nuclear issue, Pyongyang is not interested in normalizing relations with Seoul and it
can concentrate on relations with the United States. At the same time, the intensifying confrontation between China and the United States in the Asia-Pacific region is not conducive to a political settlement of the Korean Peninsula nuclear issue and it can potentially lead to an aggravation of inter-Korean relations.

The article examines the history of the development of the nationalist movement of Malay Muslims living in the south of Thailand, which is more than half a century old and is a demonstration of their identify in conditions of being in an alien and even hostile religious, cultural and ethnic environment and a form of protest against the government policy of forced assimilation. The desire of Malay Muslims for independence, which has taken the form of armed resistance to the central government, is a response to the marginalization of their economic and political position and to the discriminatory policy of the government. Separatism as an ideology of ethno-nationalism and as a political movement of Malay Muslims, which originated in the 1940s of the last century, has transformed in the last fifteen years into a religious jihad with an accompanying increase in violence. It is based on small groups of militant separatists recruiting their supporters from students of traditional Muslim schools. Having almost completely abandoned political activity, the separatists concentrated on carrying out acts of terror. With the emergence of ISIS and its attempts to create its base in the Muslim countries of Southeast Asia, a threat arose that a local conflict would develop into a transnational one. However, local jihadists, following the interests of self-survival and adhering to a nationalist ideology, show their distance from ISIS, avoiding involvement in the international terrorist movement. The author notes that despite the limited social base of terrorist separatist groups, the idea of independence remains widely demanded in local society. The prolonged nature of the ethno-religious conflict poses the task to resolve it by Thai government. Attempts to suppress the separatism of Malay Muslims by force have been unsuccessful, which prompts the Thai government to look for political ways to resolve the conflict in the framework of the negotiation process with insurgent groups. However, differences in the positions of the parties on the hard core of the problem complicate reaching consensus. The author concludes that as long as Thai society is divided into “we” and “they”, the basis for the growth of Malay nationalism remains.

In the 2010s, the issue of separatism in Africa gained special significance in connection with the emergence in 2011 of a new state – the Republic of South Sudan (RSS), where a military and political conflict has continued throughout the entire period of independent development, accompanied by massive casualties among the civilian population. The situation in the RSS underscores the weakness of secessionism as a tool for solving the problems of national identity, socio-economic development and political marginalization, and also raises the question of whether separatism in Africa is able to lead to stability, an improvement in living standards and an increase in the level of security of citizens of breakaway territories.
The present paper examines the historical background of separatism in South Cameroon and of organizations and armed groups fighting for the separation of the region from the Republic of Cameroon and for the independence of the self-declared Republic of Ambazonia. Currently, the country is engulfed in a military and political conflict, the parties to which are the central (Francophone) government and the Anglophone secessionist movements, which include dozens of armed groups with varying goals and interests and which fight among themselves for influence on local communities, resources, and the right to represent Cameroon’s Anglophone minority in the international arena. In fact, South Cameroon is now in a state of war of all against all.
The situation in South Cameroon is compounded by the fact that President Paul Biya’s government simultaneously has to fend off attacks by Boko Haram terrorists in the far north of the country and deal with a socio-economic crisis, which is accompanied by rising unemployment, which, in turn, allows insurgents to expand their ranks with relative ease. The authors note, however, that the separatists do not enjoy the support of the world community and, unlike many other African rebel movements, receive hardly any financial or military-technical assistance from outside, which dooms their armed struggle and increases the consequence of a peaceful agreement with the government.

The author was set to find out the fundamental reasons for the separatism of the Tuareg community in the Republic of Mali. The article examines the evolution of the political identity of the Tuaregs and the consolidation of scatted nomadic tribes into a community, which aims for sovereignty within their own state. It is known that the desire for state self-determination of nomads within the self-proclaimed state of Azavad is a factor that has a serious impact on the internal political situation in the country throughout its history, starting from the time of gaining independence in the early of 60s years of last century and to the present. The study showed that the confrontation between the black majority of the population of the country and in comparison with small number of “white people of the desert” (Tuaregs, Moors, Arabs) is primarily due to the parallel existence of various “life necessities cultures” in the territory of Sahel. Relatively peaceful farmers, fishermen and hunters coexist here with the warlike nomadic cattle herders. The lands cultivated by some are considered by others to be their original pasture - lands. The author substantiates the conclusion that all acute conflict situations arising in the northern territories of Mali are ultimately conditioned by the influence of this determining factor. This determines the essence of the discriminatory policy against the Tuaregs on the part of the authorities protecting the interests of the majority, Bamako’s mistakes associated with attempts to accelerate the modernization of archaic nomadic communities. The author comes to the conclusion that the situation is complicated by the reluctance of the Elysee Palace to abandon political and economic preferences in Mali and withdraw its troops from the territory of this sovereign state, from the territory that the Tuaregs consider their ancestral lands. In his opinion, in the conditions of an acute political crisis in this country, the Tuareg’s desire for state self-determination will grow.

The article focuses on stateаnd nation-building in the partially recognized Republic of Kosovo. The main research question is whether it is possible to build effective state institutions within non-consolidated borders after a “remedial secession” relying on the support of international actors. The article identifies the factors that determine this possibility. They are tradition of independent political being and power organization; peculiarities of sociocultural and ethnic composition; goals and strategies of the external actors and their compliance with needs of the internal actors and the population; level of new institutions’ applicability. The authors conclude that the tradition of power organization, non-consolidated borders (including socio-cultural borders), contradictions between different international organizations and between them and internal actors hamper the process of state-building in Kosovo to a great extent. The evidence is the lack of visible improvements reflected by indicators of the economic and institutional development. Furthermore, weak integration of Serbian minority, especially in the North Kosovo, remains a major challenge to nation-building within existing borders.

The article is devoted to the analysis of the approaches of the presidents of Ukraine Petro Poroshenko and Volodymyr Zelensky to the issue of resolving the conflict in Donbass. The election of Vladimir Zelensky in 2019 as president of Ukraine gave rise to hope among some politicians and experts regarding the possibility of resolving the conflict that has been ongoing in 2014 in the Donbass. This was explained by the fact that, unlike his predecessor, he had no previous relation to politics, was not related to the outbreak of the conflict, and also that V. Zelensky actively used peace-loving rhetoric in his election campaign. In this regard, more than a year after V. Zelensky’s victory in the presidential election, the aim of the article was to compare his approach with P. Poroshenko’s approach to resolving the conflict in the Donbass. The study sequentially examines the approaches of the Ukrainian government in 2014-2019 to the conflict in the southeast of the country, the current Ukrainian political class approaches to the Donbass problem and directly the politician V. Zelensky himself regarding the settlement of the conflict. Taking into account Russia’s involvement in the events in Ukraine, Kiev’s policy towards Donbass is also considered in the context of Ukraine’s foreign policy towards Russia. As a result of the study, the conclusion is drawn about the significant continuity of the policy of V. Zelensky regarding his predecessor. At the same time, the material notes differences in the approaches of the two Ukrainian presidents and gives the forecast regarding the further development of Ukraine’s policy regarding the settlement of the conflict in the Donbass.