The present article is focused on the Moscow – Delhi – Beijing strategic “triangle” and its influence on India’s   foreign policy. The author traces the history   of the “triangle” conceptualizing the dynamic attitude of Russia, India and China to the   notion of economic and geopolitical integration in Eurasia. After the dismemberment   of the Soviet Union, the “triangle”, for quite   a while, was evolving as a “2  plus  1” geometric figure; the highly controversial India –   China relationship being the main reason   for geostrategic stumbling block. The nascent regrouping of forces at the global level is pushing Beijing and Delhi to geopolitical rapprochement. What is emerging as a   pivotal bilateral issue is the strategic stake of   the Elephant and the Dragon in the coming   polycentric world order. Also, the author believes that this reciprocal motion is encouraged by tectonic powershifts in world politics that have come into the open after the   24th of  February, 2022. The “dramatic” remodeling of the international geopolitical   space envisages a new intensity of Russia –   India economic relations inside the “triangle”. Widening and deepening scope of bilateral economic relations might be sustained   by an open mutual clearing system with absolute transparency. In Russia, to raise the   effectiveness of bilateral economic ties, the   state-guided strategic governance will come   to rescue. The principles of strategic governance were successfully tested in the “developmental state” practiced by Japan, South   Korea as well as other advanced societies of the Far East and South-east Asia. Another   emerging “driver” of Russia – India relations   is the scheme of the International Transportation Corridor with an active participation   of Iran. 

The article is devoted to   the evolution of the role of approaches to   the construction of “global safety nets”; the   elements of global safety nets (of national, regional, global level) are critically analyzed in terms of the possibility of their use   in the context of new geopolitical challenges. Based on the established criteria for assessing the effectiveness of elements of global   safety nets, it is concluded that the contour   coverage of anti-crisis mechanisms of certain groups of the countries is fragmented:   as opposed to the countries issuing reserve   currencies with virtually unlimited and relatively inexpensive access to network elements, the group of developing countries is   much less covered by anti-crisis regulation.   A hypothesis is being put forward about the   collapse of the unified architecture of global safety nets in the face of new geopolitical challenges, in particular, due to the erosion of the anti-crisis function of international reserves, IMF programs and swap agreements of central banks 

The world monetary and financial system (WMFS) plays a key role in servicing trade and investment activities and transactions between the subjects of the global economy. In recent decades, the participants of international economic relations are facing increasing problems of access to international liquidity. The purpose of the article is to identify the fundamental reasons for the crisis of the modern WMFS. A hypothesis has been put forward regarding the differences between the US and theUK in terms of approaches to reforming the WMFS. From the standpoint of Keynesian theory, it is shown why the current institutional format of the Jamaican monetary system does not allow bringing the world economy to the trajectory of a balanced, confident and inclusive development. The factors of instability of the WMFS, which were fully manifested as a result of the introduction of restrictive measures of economic activity during the COVID-19 pandemic, are summarized. The main risks of the functioning of the WMFS associated with the significant uncertainty of the global economic recovery caused by the protracted nature of the armed conflict in Ukraine, which increased the growth of inflation and commodity prices, the disruption of global supply chains and the implementation of plans for the decarbonization of the world economy, are systematized. The transition of lea[1]ding central banks from stimulating to contractionary monetary policy could lead to a sharp decline in the value of financial assets. Taking into account the status of the US dollar as the key currency for denominating financial instruments and the system-forming role in the global trade in innovative financial products, the destabilization of the US segment of the global stock market is the second most important risk for the functioning of the WMFS in modern conditions. It is concluded that, at a fundamental level, the crisis potential of the WMFS is due, firstly, to the fragmented nature of its reform, secondly, to the conflict of interests between the goals of short-term profit and long-term stability, and thirdly, the unwillingness of the main subjects of the world economy to follow the principle of symmetry in adjusting payment imbalances.

The Sustainable Development Goals (hereinafter referred to as the SDGs), recommended by the UN in 2015, are the cornerstone project within the international development policy until 2030. The SDGs are instruments for international cooperation and the development of joint national policies in various fields, including education. This article aims to analyze the process of formulation of education place in a more global concept of sustain[1]able development, to study the main problems of the national implementation of the SDGs in the field of education, as well as to provide a brief analysis of the synergy between national goals and objectives of Russia’s development in the field of education with the SDGs. The literature sources being analyzed, the process of conceptualization of educational policy in sustainable development is demonstrated as a field of struggle between competing views of the international organizations, that turned out to be the main actors in the formulation of international educational policy. These disputes, coupled with the limited ability of developing countries to achieve the SDGs, have led to systemic problems in the subsequent implementation of the SDGs in the field of education. The presence of these problems, expressed in the literature, is confirmed by the analysis of the synergies of the development goals of the Russian national educational policy with the SDGs. At the same time, the indifference towards the SDGs in the field of education is also revealed on the part of the actors formulating and implementing the state educational policy, which manifests itself in ignoring a certain number of tasks within the SDGs. These aspects raise the question of real applicability of international goal-setting mechanisms within the framework of the SDGs in the field of education and the real feasibility.

The growing awareness of the security issues, safeguarding the leading positions in strategic industries, and upholding competitive advantages has tightened the rules regarding the admission of foreign direct investment (FDI). Recent changes in policy and legislation of the United States and the EU concerning FDI set current trends and determine future perspectives in investment inflows regulation. We are currently facing a global trend towards more selective and detailed regulation of foreign investment, rethinking liberal approaches and open borders policy as the global confrontation of the new eco[1]nomic power centers becomes increasingly tougher.The issue of ensuring FDI inflow into the national economy avoiding risks of undermining leading positions in strategic industries is of a particular academic interest. The implementation of investment screening procedures is becoming one of the important tools of the new national security strategies. Investment screening models in the EU and in the U.S., the key trendsetters in FDI regulation, have a range of differences and similarities analyzed in this article. Therefore, within the framework of the current research we can make an important contribution to the further formation of new global strategies for FDI regulation.

The article is devoted to the possible impact of Russia’s economic turnaround on the acceleration of the development of the Siberian and Far Eastern regions of Russia. It is shown that so far the intensification of the Russian foreign economic relations with the countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America has not had a decisive impact on the regional structure of the economy of the Russian Federation. The main focus of the analysis is on the study of shifts in the Russian foreign trade, foreign direct investment with the participation of Russia, as well as the export of educational services. An important conclusion is made that the turn to the global South can lead to the economic recovery of the Far Eastern and Siberian regions only with the accelerated development of the transport infrastructure necessary for foreign economic contacts. Special attention should be paid to cross-border cooperation. At the same time, it is emphasized that the acceleration of the development of the Asian part of Russia largely depends not so much on the turn of the country’s external relations to the East, but on a more active regional economic policy in Siberia and the Far East. At the end of the article, specific recommendations are given for the state economic policy, taking into account the objective obstacles to the rapid restructuring of not only geographical priorities in external relations, but also to the changes in interregional disparities within the country.

Nowadays, the field of information and communication technologies has become a determining factor in economic development and global leadership. Under the current system of global governance, the United States is the main beneficiary, being the world’s center for the development and production of innovations. Over the past few years, China has been claiming this role by creating alternative pro[1]ducts and promoting them abroad. The US and China compete for technological leadership by exporting technology and establishing their influence in the global market. One of these export destinations is the region of Southeast Asia, which unites the developing countries of ASEAN As part of this paper, the authors analyze the technological competition between the United States and China using a theoretical tool in the form of the theory of cascade development and the theory of technology diffusion. The article considers the technological competition between the US and China as an opportunity for the US to maintain its leadership in the field of technology, and for China to reach a new level of technological development and increase its influence in global governance. As a quantitative assessment, the authors use a network analysis technique to determine the intensity of competition and visualize data in the field of trade in value added and high-tech goods.

The article offers an overview of China’s national cap-and-trade system for greenhouse gas emissions launched in July 2021. Although generally in line with the design of similar systems (e.g., EU ETS) at their early stages (focus on coal- and gasfired power plants, free allocation of allowances), China’s ETS features a few distinctions. Notably, regulations provide for an increase in allocated allowances in certain cases and a fixed fine on installations emitting in excess of 120% of their allowance, while gas-fired plants are not sanctioned at all. The article presents the bottom-up allowance calculation method used by the regulator for various types of installations and engages with the China Certified Emission Reductions scheme, suspended in 2017 and expected to be relaunched in the near future – if with a limited industry scope covering forestry, renewable energy and methane utilization projects. The prospects of China launching an international carbon exchange and granting access to foreign buyers and sellers are also discussed.

The article deals with the emergence and transformation of the political economy of power and governance in Afghanistan after the Operation Enduring Freedom and until the Taliban’s return to power in August 2021. The author uses political economy approach rooted in institutional theory, particularly its idea of fragile limited access orders. The research shows that such an order emerged in Afghanistan after 2001. Its stability and equilibrium were conditional on several factors. First, a substantial amount of financial and military aid was required to support patronage networks and administrative rent that ensured loyalty to the government. The government co-opted some powerful agents of periphery thus aiding the stability of increasingly de-centralized system that originated during the years of civil war. Ex-warlords took positions in formal administration and ensured that the periphery stayed loyal to the government in exchange for retaining their autonomy and access to administrative rent. The insurgency threat helped foster cooperation and limited predatory behavior of the system’s agents. After 2014 as a result of the partial troops withdrawal and their more limited mandate in Afghanistan, reduced foreign aid and the 2014 presidential elections crisis the factors mentioned were no longer at play supporting the equilibrium. The external support decreased; center-periphery relations turned sour amid a growing insurgency threat. This resulted in a disequilibrium, and the system collapsed which allowed the Taliban to retake power in Afghanistan in August 2021.

The formation of a new world order after the Second World War was accompanied by the development of international law, which fixed, among other things, the international legal standard of individual rights. The ideas of the inadmissibility of racism, xenophobia, hatred and their extreme manifestations of terrorist acts are held as a red thread in international legal acts. Since the 1990s, extremism has been considered as a phenomenon, although associated with terrorist activities, but having an independent negative impact on the society. In 2001, the SCO member states adopt the Convention on Combating Terrorism, Separatism and Extremism, which marks the beginning of the formation of national anti-extremist legislation in some CIS states. The purpose of the study is to periodize the development of legislation on countering extremism in the states of the post-Soviet space. In the development of special legislation on countering extremism in the post-Soviet space, two stages can be distinguished, each of which has its own characteristics. The period from 2001 to 2009 is the time for the development and adoption of national laws that fix the basic concepts, principles and directions of countering extremism, as well as the issues of international cooperation. At the second stage, from 2009 to the present, the specification of regulatory requirements continues, taking into account the accumulated experience. New laws have been adopted in the republics of Tajikistan and Uzbekistan. The Shanghai Convention on Combating Extremism, adopted in 2017, specifies the methods of interstate cooperation. However, even taking into account the innovations, special laws on countering extremism are of a framework nature, requiring specification in other laws and by-laws; they are similar in structure and content and have a number of features that are determined by the political and social context.

This article explores various aspects of digitalization in Tajikistan, using methods of statistical and horizontal analysis, and the method of data comparison, a comparative analysis of the state of fixed and mobile broadband, speed and price of the Internet in Tajikistan with several countries in Central Asia. The place of the republic in international rankings, as well as a discussion of the existing opportunities and problems in this area are carried out. It has been revealed that despite the adoption of several legal acts that keep up with the times, the country lags behind in the development of its digital infrastructure and technological competitiveness, which hinder the realization of its digital potential. It is emphasized that as far as ICT legal regulation is concerned, Tajikistan over the past thirteen years has not been able to move from one level of regulation to another, having failed to carry out important reforms and thereby to climb the regulatory ladder. Based on the results of the study of the state of digital technologies in the country, the main directions of measures for the transition to unlocking the potential of digital technologies are put forward, which are as follows: (i) bringing regulatory legal acts in digital technologies in line with the adopted strategic goals and objectives; (ii) abolition of state monopolies on the provision of ICT services; (iii) the presence of political will.

The purpose of the study is to identify the patterns of mutual trade in goods between Russia and the Czech Republic and Slovakia over the past decade – from 2012 to  2021. The objectives of the work were to determine the significance of the Czech Republic and Slovakia for Russia as trading partners and Russia for them, to analyze the cost indicators of mutual trade in dynamics over 10  years, explain these dynamics, consider the commodity structure of trade and its changes within five most important commodity groups. Russia accounts for 2–3  % of the trade turnover of the Czech Republic and Slovakia, it is a more significant partner for both countries than they are for Russia. Anti-Russian sanctions and the pandemic have lowered the indicators of mutual trade, although both countries have managed to ease sanctions on the export of the most significant goods to Russia. The basis of Russian exports is mineral fuel, the dependence on which the Czech Republic and Slovakia have slightly decreased over the decade. The high export of cars from Russia to the Czech Republic over three years has reflected the upward trend in exports of Russian-made foreign cars abroad. The import from the Czech Republic and Slovakia of the commodity group “Nuclear reactors, boilers, equipment and mechanical devices; parts of them”, which is several times higher than the export of these goods from Russia, is explained by the cooperation of Rosatom with Czech and Slovak manufacturers of equipment for the nuclear industry, as well as the transfer of Czech companies into the ownership of the Russian companies and their receipt of large orders from Russia.

The article examines the budgetary financing of the German library and information policy based on the analysis of expenditure items of the federal budget of the Federal Republic of Germany. The expediency of referring to the German federal budget as a source for library and information policy is substantiated in connection with the significance of the Federal Budget Law in the system of regulatory legal acts of Germany, the role of budget policy research in understanding German federalism and the relevance of library differentiation by funding sources. The history, structure and programs of the main generators of the German library and information policy are presented: the Office of the Commissioner of the Federal Government for Culture and Mass Media, the Federal Ministry of Education and Scientific Research, the Ministry of the Interior and Community. Particular attention is paid to the financing of organizations and foundations that promote liberal and democratic values. When describing the activities of the Office of the Federal Government Commissioner for Culture and Mass Media, funding data are provided and the functionality of such funds as the Foundation for Authentic Places in the History of Democracy, the German Center for the Loss of Cultural Values, organizations and cultural centers related to the history of anti-Semitism in Germany, for example, the Jewish Museum in Berlin, is described. Through the Federal Ministry of Education and Scientific Research, traditionally associated with significant state projects (nuclear energy and water management, space industry), funding of library institutions is carried out through the programs “The Beginning of Reading 1-2-3” for preschoolers, “Educational Chains” for school[1]children and students and “BMBF Jobstarter” for adult citizens. The importance of the service of the state recommendation bibliography for libraries – “EKZ Library Service” is shown. The Ministry of the Interior and Community, conducts its propaganda activities through the Federal Office for Civil Protection and Disaster Response, as well as the Federal Center for Political Education. The article substantiates the thesis about the unity and synergy of the library and information policy of modern Germany.

The modern world is in a state of chaos. The combination of multidirectional trends, such as globalization and anti-globalism, democratization and the growing of authoritarian regimes, leads to the fact that the world is constantly in a “gray” zone when elements of these contradictory trends are found there in various combinations. The review presents the monographs devoted to the analysis of the causes of these phenomena and trends in the transformation of the world order. The authors of these studies focus on various aspects: economic, political, and social ones, use various methodological approaches (concepts of liberalism, realism, structural analysis, tools of fragmentation and aggregation, etc.). The interdisciplinarity of the presented research and the combination of various approaches and points of view allow us to form a more complete picture of the world than the study of individual phenomena within a single scientific discipline.The future of the world order is presented in different ways: from the rise of authoritarianism to the formation of a new world order, that is an alternative to Western globalization, built on the forcible imposition of its ideology and values on other countries. A new world order can be built on the principles of peaceful coexistence of different civilizations that respect each other’s ideologies and values. Two models for such a transition could be the Community of Common Destiny for Mankind and the BRICS.