Sustainable development is the core of China’s ecological strategy which includes climate problems as its part. It means that industrial development remains an important component of ecological policy, besides, the government undertakes gigantic projects which change the nature, for example a massive transfer of water from the southern rivers to the northern regions. Also, sustainable development is understood in China as one of the means to reduce poverty and has a complex social content. Energy transformation in China has accelerated during the 12th-13th five year plans (2011-2020), however coal remains the main source of energy for the world largest manufacturing power taking more than 56 percent of total consumption. Major national goals include now “creating of beautiful China” and some current plans to accelerate energy transformation are viewed in the article as well as a short history of the power sector of China’s economy in this century. Important part of the study is devoted to the analysis of “green” financial services, which are developing in modern China with growing speed. Despite tempting, the plans for speedy reforms and structural changes in energy sector run across major obstacles. They include efficiency and cost problems, the giant scope of the energy sector. Another set of obstacles comes from deep divide on climate problems and sustainable development in general between the developed and developing countries.

Scenario analysis of world electricity in the long-term perspective within the general context of global economic growth allowed the authors to conclude that perspective dynamics of electricity in the world leading production and consumption centers will be decisively influenced by complex and heterogeneous factors, including: first, primary energy resources endowment; second, level and type of economic development; third, countries capacities to mobilize financial and investment resources necessary for promotion of new renewable energy sources; fourth, national economic and energy strategies. Depending on these factors countries will remain at very different stages of energy transition at the foreseeable future. There is no a universal model of energy transition.

The article examines the climate policy of China and India as the main emitters of greenhouse gases. The question is whether their actions to reduce CO2 emissions are consistent with their contribution to the global warming. In their climate policy, they have come a long way from denying the very fact of taking on commitments to reduce greenhouse gas emissions to recognizing their responsibility in the global fight against climate change, which reflects the dynamics of their economic development and the emergence of new trends in the process of globalization. The author defines the factors that influence the change in their approach to this problem, the solution of which involves the transition to green development, carried out mainly within the framework of energy transit. In this regard, India has weaker starting positions than China and less political and ideological motivation, which causes some differences in their climate policy. Its intermediate results are evaluated, which allows us to conclude that in their actions to reduce greenhouse gas emissions they are guided mainly by their economic interests, and it determines the duality of their climate diplomacy. When implementing measures to reduce greenhouse gas emissions, they primarily count on their economic return. And, conversely, they avoid those actions that could harm the economy. Having made some progress in reducing their carbon and energy intensity, they have nevertheless been unable to halt the growth in greenhouse gas emissions, which will continue even in the medium term. However, given the continuing high demand for energy and the current clean technology base, China and India are not prepared to accelerate the green revolution. At the same time, according to the author, it would be unjustified to expect from them more aggressive actions to reduce greenhouse gas emissions.

The article analyzes the competition between the “Anglo-Saxon”, “continental” and “eastern” concentration of power in global finance, demonstrates the strengthening of the eastern vector in the financial development of the world. For this purpose, a comparative analysis of the financial sectors dynamics of dozen countries in the world in 2001-2020 is made. In particular, it shows the “east bias” in the global money supply, monetization, in the internationalization of national currencies, in international settlements, in the stock markets, in cross-border investments. The differences in the level of “bias to the East” for different segments of global finance are revealed. In various dimensions, it is shown to what extent the dominant role of the Anglo-Saxon model in global finance has been preserved and to what extent the “continental model” is being replaced by the Asian one. An answer is given to the question of whether a post-Soviet “core” is being formed in global finance (centered in Russia). The article gives an idea of “financial afterburner” policy of central banks in Asian and other economies, which allows to ensure outstripping financial development while maintaining relatively financial stability and moderate inflation. Using the case of China, it is shown how, with such a policy, the activities of the central bank are associated with the stimulation of rapid and sustainable economic growth (through direct and indirect management of monetary aggregates, credit, interest, and the exchange rate, in conjunction with other types of macroeconomic policies). The author gives recommendations for Russia (its central bank and financial sector) in order to strengthen its position in the financial hierarchy of countries and the ability to compete with other economies in global finance.

The problems of protecting economic competition in the banking system, increasing the efficiency of competition regulation, taking into account the modern realities of digitalization and the widespread use of advanced financial technologies are gaining increasing importance and relevance. An effective state policy in the field of protecting economic competition is the key to effective protection of the interests of banking services consumers. The formation of a fair competitive environment in the banking system of the Republic of Armenia needs increasing the role of the competition authority, to create legal and institutional prerequisites for its effective interaction with the Central Bank of the country. The underestimation of the role of the competition authority of the Republic of Armenia for two decades has led to low rates of detection of anti-competitive agreements and concerted actions, abuse of dominant position, and limited advocacy of competition. Competitive regulation in the sphere of banking services in the Republic of Armenia is of priority importance, taking into account the influence of the banking system on the formation of a favorable business climate and on the development of the national economy. The threat of cartelization of the banking system, the risks of pursuing a coordinated policy by commercial banks, and the conclusion of anti-competitive agreements necessitate the development of effective measures and tools for identifying anti-competitive practices of commercial banks. Far from diminishing the role of the Central Bank in ensuring financial stability, regulating the activities of commercial banks, it is obvious that the role of the competition authority must be increased, since only effective interaction between the two state structures can ensure the formation of a fair competitive environment and effective monitoring of the activities of commercial banks in the context of competition regulation. Based on the analysis of indicators of market concentration of the banking system of the Republic of Armenia, conclusions on the level of development of competition are presented, as well as proposals for improving the efficiency of competition regulation.

Currently, the military-political strategy of J. Biden’s administration is in the process of formation. The American ruling circles have to take into account unfavorable changes for the United States in the military- and political situation in the world. The American policy of “regime change” has suffered a complete collapse in Afghanistan; the United States is facing the strengthening of the military- and technical potential of the Russian Federation and China. Under these conditions, official Washington is betting on strengthening relations with partners and allies and is trying to abandon some of its international obligations (as, for example, it happened in Afghanistan). When developing its nuclear and space strategy, as well as military strategy in various regions of the world, the American military and political leadership is forced to proceed from the fact that Washington has lost its once indisputable military superiority in a number of areas. President Biden's actual rejection of the policy of promoting democracy in the world calls into question Washington's claims to leadership in the community of democratic states. At the same time, the priorities of the American ruling circles are clearly shifting in the direction of the Indo-Pacific region – while the Middle East is losing its former priority in their eyes.

For a long time, the Far East was not one of key regions of the FRG's efforts to ensure strategic positions at the global level. The tendency has changed dramatically in 2020-2021, despite the “freezing” the majority of the world political processes during the COVID-19 pandemics. The article explains it, using the methods of event-analysis and the analysis the structure of German diplomatic missions and the profile department of the FRG`s MFA. The goal of the article is to study the features and «narrow places» of deployment German military presence in the Pacific (first of all the political-diplomatic preparations of the process).

The article issues the usage of the Indo-Pacific region concept in FRG`s foreign policy at conceptual and practical levels. The author stresses that at the beginning of 2020s Germany really focused not in the Indo-Pacific region as a whole, but in the «extended» Far East. This process is considered in the context of achieving geopolitical and image compensation for the ending of the Bundeswehr long-term presence in Afghanistan (2021).

The present paper shows the key regional partners of Germany. The development of bilateral relations with them has become the key way to provide FRG`s military and political presence in the Far East. In most cases, a significant export of German military production was transformed into a willingness for bilateral cooperation of the armed forces. The author issues the features of German political and military dialogue with Japan, Singapore, South Korea and Australia in 2020-2021. The position of the USA during Donald Trump`s presidency made German plans difficult to implement. But most difficult for Germany was the search for balanced forms of support for the United States in their confrontation with the PRC already during the rule of Joe Biden`s administration. The article issues the dispatch to the Pacific Ocean of the first German military ship that was the frigate “Bayern” (2021, August – 2022, February). Special attention is paid to the factor of AUKUS.

The article presents the history, the current state and the prospects of the Indo-Russian cooperation in the military and technical sphere as well as the impact of the trends in the defense industry of India and international political factors, which directly or indirectly affect the Indian arms market. Russia historically holds a strong position in the Indian arms market and remains the main India’s partner in the military and technical field. However, recently there has been a decline in the sale of the Russian arms to India. On the one hand it is related to the increased competition in the Indian arms market. Оn the other hand, it is the desire of India to develop its own defense industry and to transform from being an importer to be an exporter of the arms. What is more, in the future the international political factors can influence the Indian arms market. This refers primarily to the tensions between China and India and the rapprochement between India and the countries that together with India form the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad).

The article scrutinizes the aspects of scientific and analytical activity of the modern Turkish Republic. In particular, the author analyzes the main milestones of the formation of science in Turkey as well as economic difficulties and other domestic political obstacles hindering the process of its development. Special attention is paid to the key actors of the scientific and analytical process of Turkey. Among them the Organization for Scientific and Technological Research (TUBITAK) and related structures, the Supreme Council for Science and Technology of Turkey (BTYK), as well as other organizations and auxiliary structures. The article provides a classification of analytical centers operating on the territory of Turkey, according to which such centers can be associated with the state or parties, ideologically biased and conditionally “independent”. The article considers the features of functioning, financing of NGOs in Turkey and discusses their types. In addition, based on the global rankings of the world's leading think tanks, an overview analysis of the activities of the following largest and most influential think tanks was also conducted: the Center for Strategic Studies (SAM); the Center for Asian Strategic Studies (TASAM); the Center for Middle Eastern Studies (ORSAM); the Foundation for Political, Economic and Social Studies (SETA) and the Foundation for Economic and Social Research of Turkey (TESEV). The author comes to the conclusion that nowadays a new stage of scientific and analytical activity of the Republic of Turkey is coming. It is associated with the emergence of new centers and the expansion of their research fi eld. At the same time, the role of analytical and other NGOs as the main agents of Turkish interests and ideologies abroad is increasing. In the future they can be used by Turkey to form lobbying groups and broadcast ideological and value attitudes which are beneficial to Ankara.

The launch of the first Turkish communications satellite at the end of the last century marked the beginning of Turkey's exploration of outer space. Noticeable acceleration of Turkish Republic's “cosmization” occurred with R.T. Erdogan's coming to power in 2014. The intensification of such processes has become a logical continuation of the unofficial “neo-Ottomanism” ideology focused on increasing Turkey's international authority in various fields that started much earlier. In order to study the aspects of Ankara's activities in this area, the article provides a comprehensive analysis of the key state and non-state space-oriented structures' work, as well as Turkey's strategy for achieving space independence.

The author scrutinizes Turkish state satellite program that is one of the most successful projects of the country. Special attention is paid to the Turkish Space Agency, its strategic documents and country's National Space Program. Moreover, the article examines the details of Ankara's international cooperation in the field of space technologies in particular with Russia and the United States as well as other actors and international space organizations.

The author concludes that modern Turkey is just beginning the path of its independent existence in space and still to a certain extent depends on foreign partners, both – in the context of the components' supplies and the lack of its own spaceports. In addition, Turkey's ambitious space plans seem to be difficult to implement due to the economic crisis, significant weakening of the Turkish lira and rather tight deadlines. At the same time, Russia can use arising opportunities to involve Ankara in its "orbit" - both literally and figuratively.

The article discusses the prospects for expanding the strategy of Russia's turn to the East, taking into account the current changes in the system of the world politics in the context of the global phenomenon of “religious renaissance” and new factors caused by the Ukrainian crisis. Particular attention is paid to the specifics of the process of “Islamic awakening”, which had a direct impact on the formation of the modern foreign policy course of Saudi Arabia, Iran and Turkey, which are among Russia's main partners in the Middle East. The author's periodization of the main stages of the “Islamic awakening” is offered for attention, including the chronological framework of the 1970s – 1980s, 1990s – 2000s and 2010s – 2020s. The article contains a description and characterization of the main priorities, ideological and value concepts and the Islamic components of Riyadh's foreign policy, Ankara and Tehran. Particular attention is paid to the regions and areas where the interests of the Russian Federation and the “heavyweights” of the Middle East intersect. In particular, the issues of political processes aimed at the formation of identities and integration projects within the “Muslim” and “Turkic world” are considered. The article raises the question of understanding the independent republics of Transcaucasia and Central Asia as an integral part of the conceptual space of the Post-Soviet East in the context of balancing Russian interests and priorities in the context of current changes in the world order system. Based on the results of the analysis, the author describes the advantages and main challenges of Russia's bilateral cooperation with Saudi Arabia, Iran and Turkey through the prism of the processes associated with the “religious renaissance”, “Islamic awakening” and the formation of a post-secular society.

As a result of the accelerating pace of globalization and the increasing number of armed conflicts, the destruction of monuments and the theft of historical treasures and works of art have increased dramatically. Until recently, Islamic jihadists simply destroyed religious monuments belonging to another religion; today, amid collectors' interest in Mesopotamian antiquities, they sell ancient artefacts and generate income to finance their activities.

The US military presence in the Middle East has played no small role in the destruction of ancient heritage. And here the interests of jihadists coincide with the interests of those who see in the destruction of historical treasures the realization of their ideological interests.

Today, according to Interpol, the trade in ancient works of art is considered a real threat to international security. It ranks fourth among transnational crimes and third in volume after drug and arms trafficking.

What is happening today in the Middle East, Afghanistan and others is the implementation of a project aimed at destroying evidence of the “roots of civilization” and creating a “new history” that corresponds to the interests of the authors of this project.

The article is devoted to the analysis of the confrontation between the Qatari-Turkish and Saudi-Emirate blocs for the influence in the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan. It was found out that with the change of power in August 2021 in Afghanistan, a number of regional players tried to assert their influence in the country. Qatar was particularly active in strengthening its positions, having managed to close the negotiation process between the United States and the Taliban before they came to power. It is also important that Saudi Arabia and the UAE claimed the role of a diplomatic mediator, but the approval of Qatar's candidacy led to the strengthening of the positions of the Qatari-Turkish alliance. Turkey provided impressive humanitarian assistance to the country, and also jointly with Qatar defended the right to restore an important infrastructure facility – the Kabul airport, which was also claimed by the UAE. Pakistan, which is the military wing of the Taliban, continues to have an important influence on the internal political situation in Afghanistan. The formation of a new Afghan government in the fall of 2021 determined the balance of power in the country in favor of Qatar and Pakistan, which support the political and power bloc, respectively. Saudi Arabia has failed to find the necessary levers of influence on the new Afghan government, but does not lose hope of using Pakistan as its proxy for pressure on the Taliban, in order to prevent the strengthening of the Iranian positions in Afghanistan. Thus, Afghanistan continues to be an arena of struggle for regional influence.

In the article, the author made an attempt to look at the Civil Code of the PRC from the standpoint of an interdisciplinary approach. For this purpose, the work is divided into three parts, the first of which provides an overview of the English-language scientific literature, reflecting both the general state of the civil law of the PRC, the course of its latest codification and the legislative result. The second part is devoted to the substantive pitting of the Civil Code and focuses on the most significant legislative innovations. So, first of all, the author focuses on the fact that this is the second systematization of civil law in this country, making an excursion into the history of the adoption and study by Western scientists of the Civil Code of the Republic of China in 1929-1931, which is now in force in Taiwan. Further, the desire of the modern legislator to get rid of the so-called "Soviet legacy" and, by borrowing the best normative practices of the countries of the continental law family, not to lose its own specifics and make the new normative legal act as practical, modern and effective as possible is noted. A forecast of the impact on the economic sphere, as well as the development of science in the public spheres regulated by the Code, is given. The importance of strengthening the so-called "green principle" and China's claim to the status of a country with a high level of environmental responsibility is emphasized. The third part examines the historical experience of constructing a regional legal order in East Asia at the turn of the 19th-20^th centuries, when first Japan, and then the Qing Empire, began to introduce the European, mainly French and German, normative material against the background of the modernization of their state system. In conclusion, emphasizing the importance and significance of the Civil Code for the country and its enforcement, the author expresses doubts about the ability of the PRC in modern conditions to form an updated regional legal order, without which the influence of this country on many international and global processes will be incomplete.

To study the economic and political activity of PRC in Oceania (among the developing states of the Pacific region) seems to be a very urgent task in connection with the growing global rivalry between the US and China and, in particular, in the Indo-Pacific. By actively developing trade and economic ties, providing preferential loans, and engaging in its global Belt and Road Initiative, China is gaining leverage to strengthen its political influence. Thus, gradually more and more countries in Oceania break off official relations with Taiwan in favor of China and support it on painful international issues. The countries of Oceania need financial assistance to modernize their economies, develop infrastructure, and implement social programs. Unlike Western countries, China's financial assistance is more accessible and does not involve complicated approval procedures and financial reporting, and it makes China an attractive source of cash receipts. This is also associated with the growth of the debt of a number of Pacific states to the PRC, which in some cases is of a very critical nature. Chinese expansion is quite obvious and is already causing concern and criticism from the traditional patrons of Oceania - Australia, the USA, and France. For keeping the political control over the region, the latter are forced to respond to the challenge from China through the implementation of new joint economic and humanitarian programs, military support, and criticism of Chinese initiatives in the region, expected by the local political elites. The battle for influence in Oceania is becoming increasingly important in China's strategy and Beijing has a chance to become a major player in this region, including conversion of economic influence into military presence.