The education system plays a pivotal role in creating the conditions necessary for the realization of human potential in the interests of sovereign national development. It shapes moral imperatives and cultivates a profound connection with the Fatherland. In the context of the historical challenges currently confronting the nation, the formulation of a long-term strategy for the development of education has become a pressing imperative. Such a strategy should articulate the priorities, objectives, and guiding principles of state policy in this domain and promote the recognition of education as a fundamental public good. This article presents the author’s perspective on several key issues related to the formulation of this strategic vision. It offers evaluations and proposals intended to support the development of more balanced and effective approaches for ensuring the requisite quality of education in the country.

This paper analyzes the policy of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) regarding the adaptation of artificial intelligence (AI) tools to its principal prospective project – the establishment of the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC). It examines the salient features of the ASEAN integration model, of which the AEC is a central component, traces the evolution of ASEAN’s digital initiatives, and assesses their outcomes. The paper outlines the AI-related policy directions pursued by the Association and its member states in synergy with the AEC’s development. Special attention is given to the vulnerability factors of the AEC in the context of its AI agenda. The author argues that the successful implementation of the AEC’s AI-related initiatives is impeded by the mutually reinforcing shortcomings of ASEAN’s digital and non-digital integration. This multiplier effect is further exacerbated by the rapid advancement of AI systems and technologies, as well as by ASEAN’s limited capacity to effectively formulate and implement an AI agenda amidst significant disparities in readiness among its member states. In the author’s view, ASEAN faces a strategic zugzwang: both accelerating the development of its AI agenda and deferring it are likely to increase the region’s dependence on extra-regional partners. The research is based on an interdisciplinary approach, incorporating general scientific, specialized scientific, and disciplinary methods. Given that this specific perspective has not been the subject of focused attention in Russian or international scholarship – and that related aspects have only been explored sporadically and in a fragmented manner – the article presents a clear contribution in terms of academic novelty, relevance, and practical significance.

The food problem is particularly critical for Small Island Developing States (SIDS). According to the UN classification, the Maldives, Singapore, and Timor-Leste are categorized as Asian SIDS, while the SIDS of Oceania include 12 island states located in Melanesia, Micronesia, and Polynesia. These countries face numerous challenges, including the scarcity and degradation of arable land, declining agricultural output, limited fresh water resources, frequent extreme weather events (such as storms and floods), rising sea levels, reduced rainfall, and prolonged dry spells. Due to these constraints, SIDS are heavily reliant on food imports and thus vulnerable to fluctuations in global food prices. The food insecurity they experience is evident not only in increased levels of undernourishment and deficiencies in essential nutrients, but also in a high prevalence of obesity, driven by unbalanced diet. With support from the international community, Asian and Oceanian SIDS are striving to enhance food security through innovations in the production of agricultural raw materials and processed foods, the development of national distribution networks, and greater integration into global value chains. Their government programs increasingly emphasize the technological modernization of food systems, particularly through digitalization.

This article employs a historical framework to examine the development of a free trade zone in the Asia-Pacific region and its broader implications for the geopolitical and economic trajectories of Southeast and South Asia. The historical underpinnings of this process are inherently geopolitical, closely intertwined with U.S. efforts to maintain strategic influence over a rapidly emerging center of economic growth within the evolving “post-American” world order. Regional economic integration initiatives reflect both the intrinsic inclination of states in these regions to foster deeper horizontal cooperation and the strategic maneuvering of a fiscally constrained United States to uphold its dominance in a geopolitical environment increasingly oriented toward autonomous national interests - interests that are progressively diverging from the official policy agenda of Washington. Within the context of ongoing global transformations, India's role in both regional and international politics is undergoing a profound recalibration. Against the backdrop of these systemic shifts, this article seeks to evaluate the prospects for strengthening Russian-Indian relations within the framework of a rapidly evolving global order.

As of January 2025, Indonesia has become a full member of BRICS, while two other Southeast Asian countries - Malaysia and 'Thailand - have acquired the status of partner states within the organization. This development raises important questions: what motivated these countries to align themselves with an international bloc representing the interests of the Global South, and what risks might such a decision entail? These questions form the core of the analysis presented in this article. Despite broadly similar positions among Southeast Asian countries regarding BRICS, distinct national considerations necessitate a case-specific approach. Accordingly, the article ex-amines Indonesia, Malaysia, and Thailand separately to explore the unique domestic and geopolitical factors that shaped their respective decisions. This approach enables a more nuanced understanding of the incentives and strategic calculations behind their engagement with the bloc, which is viewed as a vehicle for securing additional economic benefits through expanded cooperation with other developing economies. Equally important to them is the geopolitical dimension of the bloc, with its aspirations to reshape the global order. The desire to adapt to the evolving geopolitical landscape and seize emerging opportunities drives Southeast Asian countries to seek membership in BRICS. In their view, joining the bloc offers a dual advantage - preserving strategic autonomy while enhancing their influence in global decision-making. In Indonesia and Malaysia, this stance is largely shaped by the personal ambitions of their leaders, who aspire to play a prominent role on the international stage and serve as a voice for developing nations. However, the long-term benefits of BRICS membership come with significant risks. These include potential strains in relations with developed economies - primarily the United States and the European Union - both of which are crucial trade partners and key sources of investment. Additionally, deeper dependence on China, could fuel anti-Chinese sentiment domestically, potentially undermining Indonesia and Malaysia's reputations as non-aligned states seeking to hedge between the competing interests of the U.S. and China. According to the author, ensuring long-term economic prosperity and geopolitical stability requires, Southeast Asian countries to carefully navigate their engagements with-in BRICS while maintaining balanced relations beyond the bloc.

This article critically examines the role of the Berbers in Algeria, with a particular focus on the complexities of coexistence between the country's two principal ethnic communities - the Berbers, the autochthonous population of North Africa, and the Arabs. It analyzes the key stages in the evolution of Berber particularism in Algeria, including the historical foundations of the Kabyle tradition, the significance of the Kabyle factor in Algerian resistance to French colonial rule, and the contemporary socio-political and cultural engagement of the Kabyle community within Algerian society. Special attention is given to the ongoing efforts to standardize the Berber language, as well as the dedicated activism within the Berber cultural movement. Furthermore, the article examines the growing concerns among both Algerian authorities and the international community regarding the emergence of the Movement for the self-proclamation of the Kabyle State.

This article examines the kafala system, which governs labor relations between employers and migrant workers in the Arab countries of the Persian Gulf. It provides an in-depth analysis of migrant working conditions, the rights of foreign laborers, employer attitudes towards ‘guest workers,' and the various national reforms aimed at modifying the system. Additionally, the article offers a historical overview of the sponsorship system and its evolution over time. Further, it presents expert perspectives on the future trajectory of the kafala system, alongside the official positions of key international institutions, including the International Labor Organization (ILO), the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC), and prominent human rights organizations. The study concludes with a comparative analysis of the kafala system in Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries and the patent system in Russia. Despite sustained advocacy from international organizations for the abolition of the kafala system, significant obstacles persist. Existing reforms remain insufficient, as migrant workers - particularly domestic laborers - continue to face harsh working conditions and widespread abuse. The article ultimately argues that further structural reforms are imperative, alongside the establishment of a robust oversight mechanism to ensure compliance with new labor laws protecting foreign workers. Moreover, it underscores the necessity of enhanced institutional support for migrants, including greater assistance from embassies and employment agencies.

This article examines the structure and substance of Brazil's regional economic policy, providing a historical overview of governmental approaches to regional development from the mid-19th century to the early 21st century. It critically engages with discussions by leading Brazilian scholars regarding the factors contributing to the country's uneven regional development. The study analyzes the key characteristics and outcomes of Brazil's National Policy for Regional Development, implemented in 2007 and subsequently undergoing significant qualitative transformations in 2019 and 2024. It concludes that extensive analytical research and statistical observations conducted by the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE) - in conjunction with the coordinated efforts of regional and federal authorities and substantial public and private investments - have facilitated notable advancements in the development of certain states in Brazil's Central-Western region. Additionally, these initiatives have contributed to alleviating the severe socio-economic challenges faced by the northeastern states and those within the Brazilian Amazon. From an ideological and strategic standpoint, Brazilian scholars and policymakers perceive the effective utilization of regional diversity as a cornerstone of national development, positioning it as a central component of Brazil's broader economic agenda.

It is widely acknowledged that North Korea has attracted limited interest among economists, primarily due to the scarcity of reliable data available for comprehensive analysis. The country's economy remains underexplored, as the statistical indicators that typically serve as the foundation for rigorous socio-economic assessments are largely inaccessible. The challenge is not only the questionable reliability of existing data but also the broader issue of its availability. Nevertheless, as demand for insights into North Korea's economic conditions increases, various organizations worldwide have begun publishing independent estimates. However, considering the difficulties associated with obtaining reliable statistics even in transparent, well-documented economies, the accuracy of data concerning a state that treats even minimal economic information as a matter of national security remains highly uncertain. This article seeks to examine the historical context surrounding the existence and accessibility of statistical data on North Korea while analyzing the sources currently available. Employing historical, comparative, and statistical methodologies, the study critically evaluates the reliability and implications of existing economic assessments.

Over the past three decades, certain gangs and cartels in Latin America and the Caribbean have undergone significant transformations, posing an increasing threat to the territorial integrity of states. These criminal organizations continuously implement organizational and technological innovations, which have contributed to their growing militarization. The aim of this study is to examine the militarization of criminal organizations as a key factor in their evolution into de facto political actors within criminal insurgencies and as participants in internal armed conflicts. Using examples from various Latin American gangs and cartels, the paper analyzes how militarization fundamentally differs from other factors influencing organized crime - such as the co-optation of law enforcement officials and the accessibility of weapons - in countries where conditions for criminal insurgency do not exist. This study argues that in the context of criminal insurgency, the militarization of criminal organizations enables direct confrontation with the state potentially escalating to a level where these groups pose an immediate threat to national territorial integrity. Consequently, these organizations can function acting as de facto political entities, creating conditions conducive to the outbreak of internal armed conflict. The paper also identifies the principal forms of militarization observed among criminal organizations.

This article presents a review of Ya.M. Rabkin’s book, Israel: The War and the World, published in Moscow in 2024. Drawing on materials from numerous scholars – including Israeli researchers – and rooted in Jewish tradition, the author offers an original perspective on Zionism for a Russian-speaking audience. His analysis provides an alternative viewpoint that diverges from the Zionist narrative prevalent in the majority of publications and dominant within the Russian-language segment of thematic literature. The book is particularly relevant in light of the on-going Arab-Israeli conflict, contemporary efforts toward a peaceful resolution, and broader geopolitical developments in the Middle East.