In a dynamic world, developing in the direction of polycentricism, the countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America, forming together the so-called Global South, are increasingly prominent. Today, the Global South comprises nearly two-thirds of the UN member states, accounts for about 80% of the world’s population, about 50% of world GDP and about a half of total international trade. These dry figures alone point to the paramount methodological, scientific and practical importance of studying the economic and socio-political issues of the Global South, a comprehensive analysis of its role in the world economy and politics, in the globalization, and also in geoeconomic and geopolitical relations. Equally relevant is the analysis of the Global South’s participation in the international community’s efforts to combat global challenges, including climate change, the eradication of poverty, the fight against cross-border terrorism and drug trafficking, humanity’s victory over the COVID-19 pandemic and the launch of the recovery economic growth undermined by the coronacrisis. According to the author’s of the article point of view, the former colonial and dependent countries forming the Global

South, many of which have achieved state independence in the last 50-60 years, have accumulated considerable experience of joint actions to defend their economic and political interests, established mechanisms and organizations of cooperation in a variety of fields. Far from simplifying the extremely difficult present situation and not turning a blind eye to existing problems and difficulties, it is logical to assume that a rich historical experience and a large international weight can enable the countries of the Global South to participate actively in building a more sustainable, just and secure world order.

The article uses the example of independent India to study the correlation of investment and migration flows to foreign countries. It is shown that Indian investment flows, whose origins date back to the first half of the 1960s, were particularly active outside, mainly in industrialized countries, after the economic reform of 1991. The main interests and activities of Indian TNCs and their methods of work abroad are demonstrated. The possibilities of foreign activities of Indian investors in the new conditions of the coronavirus pandemic were evaluated. The central directions of investment flows and Indian foreign migration (USA, England, West Asia, etc.) are fundamentally the same. Adaptation of Indian immigrants is more successful in the countries where the English language is spoken. The problem of possible Indian migration to Russia is highlighted as a separate topic. Its potential positive and negative consequences for the economy and politics of the Russian Federation are outlined.

Since the establishment of political culture analysis framework by Almond, it has become an important tool of political science and political analysis. The basic consensus on political culture is that a good political culture can promote political development. Many countries in transformation expect to shape their own civic culture as soon as possible to match their democratization process, but things often go against their wills. They are faced with a dilemma between traditional culture and civic culture at the very beginning of transformation. Besides, the development of political culture does not always present the simple path of traditional to modern type. Therefore, it is very necessary to reflect the principles of political culture development in combination with history and reality. From the view of Chinese scholars, political culture is neither only belief, feeling and attitude of individual, nor the ideology of a nation, but has multi-level content including ideology, value, psychology and action. This view combines the method of political culture analysis, the definition of Soviet culturology and the understanding of Chinese traditional culture. In transforming countries, the development of political culture is mainly manifested in the change and interaction of political subcultures. And at the same time, political subculture interacts with the change of social structure and political system. There are six main types of political subculture in transforming countries: political subculture of countryside and peasants, workers and migrant workers, private entrepreneurs, bureaucrats and officials, middle class and network. Through the analysis of these main types of political subculture in China after the reform and opening up, it can be concluded that political culture may present a complex path of development, and there may also be a variety of different development patterns and ideal forms.

The article is based on the author’s most recent book Powershift: India-China Relations in a Multipolar World (2020). It retraces the most salient moments and episodes in the India China border issue ever since the crisis broke out in 1959. What we learn from history is Chinese leaders have often shaped their policy on India as part of a wider geopolitical calculus, typically linked to the degree of pressure Chinese perceive on other geopolitical fronts. For India too, the nature of great powers relations impacts how it formulates China policy. This basic framework has remained relevant until the present day.

Over the past decade, as the world order began shifting to a multipolar balance of power, India and China have confronted challenges in their relationship. The relationship is at a crossroad, and both Delhi and Beijing are struggling to find an equilibrium that allows both sides to pursue their interests and visions. Nevertheless, as Asia is returning to what it was for 1,800 years of the last two millennia, and, it is that big picture trend that Indian and Chinese leaders must pay attention to. Ultimately, this means stabilising India China relations

The study aims at identifying some areas of international political interaction between post-Soviet Central Asian states and the major economic powers of Asia -China, India and Japan. The task is to determine their interests in the Central Asian region with an emphasis on the political component. The current state of political cooperation between China, India, Japan and the countries of Central Asia is considered. Their joint efforts to solve the problems and threats facing the sustainable development of the region are characterized, while overcoming those problems occurs within the framework of the formation of both bilateral and multilateral relations. The dynamics of political and military interaction between China and its Central Asian partners is revealed. It is shown that the regional security sphere is directly linked by China with the problem of protecting its own economic interests in the countries undergoing its Belt and Road program, aimed at changing the economic landscape not only in Central Asia, but throughout Asia. India and Japan, whose positions have come closer against the background of rising China, has defined their own strategies for Central Asia. Politics of major Asian powers in post-Soviet Central Asia are analyzed through the prism of the emergence of a polycentric world in Asia. Its distinctive features are: the emergence of new regional “centers of power”; their confrontation along the line of Sino-Pakistani, Sino-Indian rivalries; involvement of external players (the U.S.) in regional processes. In this regard, attention is drawn to the activities of such a multilateral international structure as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), as well as to the development of alternative infrastructure projects and concepts - QUAD, Indo-Pacific, Blue Dot Network. The results of the study are formulated in the following conclusion: the countries of Central Asia and the major regional economic powers in Asia base their relations on the foundation of mutually beneficial interests and equal partnership of independent states.

We are proposing the results of economic development factors analysis, and there influence in forming and display of the economic cycles. The purpose of this article is to identify significant indicators of the cyclical development Azerbaijan economy for the capable of predicting and regulating phases of the onset of business cycle. Were checking 20 different indicators based by the annual data of the State Statistical Committee from 1998 to 2018. The relationship and influence of interest rates and the cyclical Azerbaijan economy development were examined. The methodological basis of this work became an analysis of such fundamental research data as papers IMF and the National Bureau of Economic Research (NBEI) of the United States. Scientific methods of our research were an indicator approach, complemented by a qualitative analysis and a correlation-regression analysis. The calculations were performed by the freely distributed modern software - the statistical environment R, the most dynamically developing program in its class. So acyclic, countercyclical, and pro-cyclic indicators were identified by us. The features of the influence of these indicators on cyclic development in modern conditions were identified, their significance was determined. It was concluded that the possibility of economic cycles forecasting by the various phases indicators contributes to the modeling of economic activity. The results of the research can be applied both to monitor the development of the Azerbaijan economy and to predict the onset of the corresponding economic phases with the aim of adapting and reducing crises’ negative impact at the micro and macro levels.

The aim of the research is the comprehensive analysis of the Indian diamond cutting industry’s competitiveness (case study: Gujarati diamond cutting cluster). The authors show that the promotion of the diamond industry has a significant positive impact not only on the development of the economy of Gujarat, but also on the entire Indian economy as a whole. The authors pay attention to the evolution of the development of the Gujarat diamond cutting cluster, as well as its modern trends through the prism of the current situation on the world diamond market in the 2010s.

The subject of the article is Gujarat diamond cutting cluster and the research question is to evaluate its drivers and limits. The working hypothesis of the study is the following: the competitiveness of the Indian diamond cutting industry is largely determined by the significant role of the state, which is generally typical for the Indian economy as a whole.

The theoretical basis of the research is the synthesis of M.Porters concept of competitiveness of national economy branches and the mathematical approach of B.Balassa to the assessment of the revealed comparative advantages of the country on the specific product’s world market. The research is based on the systematic approach to the study of national economy using basic methods of scientific knowledge such as induction and deduction, analysis and synthesis as well as field research.

The specific feature of this article is a detailed analysis of the competitiveness model of the Indian diamond cutting industry, as well as the calculation of the Balassa index and the drawing the appropriate graphs.

The article presents different data on the place of the Indian diamond industry on the global market and India’s achievements in the special equipment production and fostering the creation of specific factors. Future studies should focus on further research on specific factors of competitiveness of Indian diamond cutting industry, as well as the role of the state in the Indian economy.

The article examines the relationship between China’s exports to African countries and the implementation of energy projects by Chinese companies. The structure of Chinese exports to Africa and trends in the development of bilateral trade is analyzed. Key factors explaining the close correlation between exports and project implementation are: first, the significant volume of tied financing provided by Chinese banks for the construction of energy infrastructure in African countries, second, the need of these countries to purchase a lot of high-tech equipment in the absence of relevant industries on their territory. The dynamics of supplies of specialized equipment from China used for the construction of various types of power plants - hydroelectric power plants, thermal power plants, wind power plants and solar power plants - is considered in detail. The article provides examples of energy projects of Chinese companies in African countries, for which the supply of equipment is directly found in the imports of the respective countries from China. The tendency for Chinese companies to open production facilities in African countries, in particular cement plants and a photovoltaic modules plant, is noted. The author concludes that the African market remains extremely promising for the implementation of energy projects and the sale of relevant Chinese products despite some negative factors.

For attracting private capital to the economy, African governments allocate territories for commercial and industrial use within Special Economic Zones (SEZ). This is an important factor in export diversification (primarily of manufactured products), expanding country’s participation in global value chains, and creating new jobs. Despite different specialization from labor-intensive (textile production, agriculture, etc.) to high-tech sectors, most of the existing SEZs are ineffective due to the underdevelopment of African markets, weak competition, large-scale corruption, but to a large extent - as a result of insufficient interconnection between individual producers.

Economic space organization through the creation of clusters - production efficiency and the emergence of a special type of competition -allows them to use common infrastructure, labor and raw materials markets; jointly export products; exchange knowledge and technologies, which is significant in terms of the industrial revolution 4.0. Clusters have the characteristics of “growth poles” - territorial conglomerates that, due to their special position and infrastructural advantages, become locomotives of industrial growth, spreading to other regions.

This is especially important given the prevalence of highly inefficient micro, small and medium-sized companies in African economies, a significant part of which is in the informal sector. Clusters, emerging as a rule “from below”, can turn into structure-forming elements of the economy (both at the national and regional levels), but only on condition of organizational and financial support from individual states and their economic communities. This is in the African economies interest, as evidenced by their gradual reorientation towards the domestic market development, as well the regional market expansion within the framework of integration associations.

This paper investigates nature of the Korean OFDI in the middle-income countries during the period 20122019. The goal is to identify any common features or differences with the observed structure of the Korean OFDI in Russia. The study is based on an assumption that a country’s investment strategies are determined by businesses. In general, business makes investment decisions based on the priorities for resource optimization and profit maximization on a global scale. Under this approach, investments to Russia would be a part of a more global strategy of Korean firms. Also, authors discuss prospects for the Russia-Korea investment cooperation under the US sanctions and how ongoing structural changes in the global economy can influence investment decisions of Korean companies.

Obtained results suggest that during the period under investigation, structure of the Korean investment in Russia was similar to the structure observed in other middle-income countries. There are clear signs that investments were motivated by gaining access to the market (in other words, they were market-seeking by nature). In the near-term increase in Korean investments to Russia is unlikely due to global recession triggered by Covid-19 pandemic and risks of harder US sanctions.

The article discusses the true goals and benefits of China’s assistance to the South. A hypothesis reveals the relationship between China’s transition to an innovative development model and its interest in the industrialization of the least developed countries. The tasks of modernizing the economy and the national interests of China in the context of the modern international labor division are analyzed. To ensure the growth of incomes of the population to the level of developed countries, the creation of a post-industrial structure of the economy is required. This means that a number of industrial functions must be transferred to such backward countries that, without Chinese capital and technology, are not able to industrialize. In addition, for China, the problem of equilibrium of the balance of payments is urgent, the solution to which is to increase imports of simple goods and make direct investments within the Chinese Global Value Chains. Analysis of directions and first results of Chinese development assistance confirmed its important contribution to solving these problems, as well as its systemic nature within the framework of the Belt and Road Initiative. The Initiative coordinates the construction of power plants, all types of infrastructure, and on their basis the development of industry and consumption under the control of Chinese companies. Therefore, all types of grants or concessional assistance to the South can be considered as investments into the development of the Chinese economy, which has gone beyond national borders. At the same time, participation in the Initiative brings benefits and growth prospects up to the level of the modern PRC for the most backward countries, but does not create growth opportunities for countries with already developed industry and an average standard of living, on the contrary, it reduces their space for post-industrialization.

The Islamist group Boko Haram (BH) was founded in the early 2000s and in less than two decades has transformed from a “Nigerian” movement into a regional one. Tactical, strategic and ideological differences between the leaders of BH have repeatedly led to its splits into separate factions; the most serious occurred in 2016, when the group split into the Islamic State in West Africa Province and Jamaatu Ahl-is-Sunna Lidda’Awati Wal-Jihad, the latter being still referred to as “Boko Haram” for convenience.

The present paper examines the reasons for the splits in BH, the goals and military tactics of the two factions, and the prospects for the development of the security situation in the region of the Lake Chad basin (LCB), where armed conflict is fueled by large-scale poverty, socio-economic and political marginalization, and ineffectiveness of local authorities against the background of intertribal tensions and massive migration.

The LCB has now become a huge human reservoir for jihadist recruitment. The situation in the region is further complicated by the fact that a significant portion of the population supports the Islamists, while the majority of locals are targeted by them and seek to leave their homes.

The authors note that the division of BH into separate factions has made it more difficult for the LCB armed forces to conduct anti-terrorist operations, and for the LCB governments to negotiate cease fires or retrieve hostages, although, simultaneously, the split has led to a certain decline in the level of violence and to the weakening of the influence of the Islamists on the socio-economic development in the region.

The article analyzes the transformation of the political image of Frederick Chiluba, President of the Republic of Zambia in 1991-2001. As a representative of a new formation of African leaders in the era of the continent’s transition from authoritarianism to political pluralism, he was an ambiguous figure. His role in the return of the multi-party system in the country and in the liberalization of the national economy is discussed. It is stressed that within the framework of the existing political culture this politician was not immune to inevitable mistakes. However, the style and methods of Chilubas leadership (persecution of his predecessor, manipulation using the ethnic factor in order to retain power, ignoring criticism of the opposition and allies) periodically led to tension in the internal situation in the country and negatively affected his political image and the image of the government in general.

In 1990-2000s the negative impact of tensions between Zambian politicians who held the presidency at different times on the stability of the country was clearly manifested. The persecution of ex-President Chiluba charged with corruption demonstrated the authorities’ policy to combat this social evil, but it was ambiguously perceived and interpreted by the society and by analysts. It is noted that for all the mistakes and shortcomings of Chilubas ten-year rule, it is necessary to recognize his merits in creating the economic base of Zambia and in proclaiming it a Christian country, which was practically forgotten after his death.

The article shows the gradual rehabilitation of Chilubas memory, in which all living ex-presidents and the current Head of State take part. The experience of Zambia shows that under African realities, former presidents enjoy honors and certain privileges, provided they do not participate actively in politics and do not enter into open conflicts with their successors.