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<article article-type="research-article" dtd-version="1.3" xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xml:lang="ru"><front><journal-meta><journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">centero</journal-id><journal-title-group><journal-title xml:lang="ru">Контуры глобальных трансформаций: политика, экономика, право</journal-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law</trans-title></trans-title-group></journal-title-group><issn pub-type="ppub">2542-0240</issn><issn pub-type="epub">2587-9324</issn><publisher><publisher-name>Center for Crisis Society Studies</publisher-name></publisher></journal-meta><article-meta><article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.23932/2542-0240-2021-14-1-7</article-id><article-id custom-type="elpub" pub-id-type="custom">centero-722</article-id><article-categories><subj-group subj-group-type="heading"><subject>Research Article</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="ru"><subject>Азия: вызовы и перспективы</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="en"><subject>Asia: Challenges and Perspectives</subject></subj-group></article-categories><title-group><article-title>Гонконгское противостояние: внутренняя динамика и внешние аспекты</article-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>Hong Kong’s Stand-off: Indigenous Dynamics and International Perspective</trans-title></trans-title-group></title-group><contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><contrib-id contrib-id-type="orcid">https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6134-768X</contrib-id><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Салицкий</surname><given-names>А. И.</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Salitskii</surname><given-names>A. I.</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>Александр Игоревич Салицкий - доктор экономических наук, главный научный сотрудник</p><p>117997, Профсоюзная ул., д. 23, Москва</p></bio><bio xml:lang="en"><p>Alexandr I. Salitskii - DSc in Economics, Сhief Researcher</p><p>117997, Profsoysnaya St., 23, Moscow </p></bio><email xlink:type="simple">sal.55@mail.ru</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-1"/></contrib><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><contrib-id contrib-id-type="orcid">https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6080-4463</contrib-id><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Виноградов</surname><given-names>А. В.</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Vinogradov</surname><given-names>A. V.</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>Андрей Владимирович Виноградов - доктор политических наук, главный научный сотрудник</p><p>107031, ул. Рождественка, д. 12/1, Москва</p></bio><bio xml:lang="en"><p>Andrey V. Vinogradov - DSc in Politics, Chief Researcher</p><p>107031, Rozhdestvenka St., 12/1, Moscow </p></bio><email xlink:type="simple">vinogradov-a.v@mail.ru</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-2"/></contrib></contrib-group><aff-alternatives id="aff-1"><aff xml:lang="ru"><institution>Национальный исследовательский институт мировой экономики и международных отношений имени Е.М. Примакова РАН</institution><country>Россия</country></aff><aff xml:lang="en"><institution>Primakov National Research Institute of World Economy and International Relations of the Russian Academy of Sciences</institution><country>Russian Federation</country></aff></aff-alternatives><aff-alternatives id="aff-2"><aff xml:lang="ru"><institution>Институт востоковедения РАН</institution><country>Россия</country></aff><aff xml:lang="en"><institution>Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences</institution><country>Russian Federation</country></aff></aff-alternatives><pub-date pub-type="collection"><year>2021</year></pub-date><pub-date pub-type="epub"><day>27</day><month>01</month><year>2021</year></pub-date><volume>14</volume><issue>1</issue><issue-title>Сепаратизм, сецессионизм и государственные границы</issue-title><fpage>135</fpage><lpage>150</lpage><permissions><copyright-statement>Copyright &amp;#x00A9; Салицкий А.И., Виноградов А.В., 2021</copyright-statement><copyright-year>2021</copyright-year><copyright-holder xml:lang="ru">Салицкий А.И., Виноградов А.В.</copyright-holder><copyright-holder xml:lang="en">Salitskii A.I., Vinogradov A.V.</copyright-holder><license xml:lang="ru" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>Данная работа распространяется под лицензией Creative Commons Attribution 4.0.</license-p></license><license xml:lang="en" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License.</license-p></license></permissions><self-uri xlink:href="https://www.ogt-journal.com/jour/article/view/722">https://www.ogt-journal.com/jour/article/view/722</self-uri><abstract><p>В июне 2019 г. в Гонконге начались протесты по поводу законопроекта об экстрадиции граждан территории. Они продолжались почти семь месяцев, приковав к себе внимание в самом Китае и за его пределами. Протесты стали самыми массовыми и яростными за все время существования Специального административного района (САР), образованного 1 июля 1997 г. на месте бывшей британской колонии. С тех пор политическое устройство района, отчасти унаследованное от британской администрации и закрепленное в «Основном законе САР КНР», принятом ВСНП в апреле 1990 г. [The Basic Law], служило предметом противостояния двух основных лагерей: «пропекинских» лоялистов и «пандемократических» оппозиционеров (политические партии в районе возникли еще при британской администрации, в основном в 1990-е гг.). Изменения в этой системе, в том числе изначально заложенные в текст «Основного закона», а также отдельные законопроекты и действия Пекина и администрации района нередко оказывались в центре острых дискуссий, периодически провоцируя уличные выступления. Эта, в общем, обычная практика политической жизни в 2019 г. переросла в нечто новое – молодежный бунт с массовыми беспорядками, ожесточенными столкновениями с полицией, поджогами и погромами, многочисленными актами насилия. Масштабы явления значительно превзошли «революцию зонтиков» 2014 г. и дали основание говорить о появлении в политическом пасьянсе Гонконга третьей силы – воинствующих радикалов, поставивших под угрозу стабильность территории и сложившейся системы управления. Критического обострения ситуации в 2019 г. удалось избежать, тем не менее и в конце 2020 г. напряженность в бывшей колонии сохранялась. Ниже анализируются истоки обострения политического положения в 2019 г., а также реакция на них со стороны местной администрации и Пекина. Авторы размышляют о возможном развитии ситуации в Гонконге и вокруг него, в том числе в связи с принятием ПК ВСНП закона о защите национальной безопасности в Гонконге в конце июня 2020 г.</p></abstract><trans-abstract xml:lang="en"><p>In February 2019, Administration of Hong Kong initiated Extradition Bill, which sparked mass protests in June. The scale of the protests was unprecedented in the history of the SAR and resulted in violent clashes between police force and young radicals organized by ‘localist’ groups. The authors present a short history of interaction between pro-Beijing and pan-democratic camps in the territory concentrated on the reform of the election system of the SAR. They conclude that exacerbation of the political stand-off in Hong Kong started in 2007 when the authorities promised a possible transit to universal suffrage in 2017. The demands for this transit were not satisfied in 2014 leading to ‘Umbrella revolution’ – the first manifestation of radical youth movements. Detecting the causes of the conflict the authors look into the concept of ‘Hong Kong identity’ as opposed to ‘Chinese identity’ popular in sociological studies of the public opinion in the SAR. They try to investigate other reasons for the growing distress and protests of young generation of Hongkongers, both indigenous and exogenous. The latter correlate strongly with a general trend towards deterioration in Sino-American relations. A wide picture showing interference of the US in Hong Kong’s political life and instigation of protests in 2019-2020 is presented. In the stormy 2020, however, political situation in Hong Kong became more stable following adoption of the Law on Safeguarding National Security in the Hong Kong by the China’s parliament in late June. Closing some loopholes in the SAR legislation the Law facilitates the fight with radical groups. Still, a major healing in interaction of pan-democrats and loyalists is ahead to address gloomy economic and social situation in the territory.</p></trans-abstract><kwd-group xml:lang="ru"><kwd>Гонконг</kwd><kwd>противостояние</kwd><kwd>протесты</kwd><kwd>гонконгская идентичность</kwd><kwd>избирательная система</kwd><kwd>всеобщие выборы</kwd><kwd>закон о национальной безопасности</kwd></kwd-group><kwd-group xml:lang="en"><kwd>Hong Kong</kwd><kwd>stand-off</kwd><kwd>protests</kwd><kwd>Hong Kong identity</kwd><kwd>election system</kwd><kwd>universal suffrage</kwd><kwd>law on national security</kwd></kwd-group></article-meta></front><back><ref-list><title>References</title><ref id="cit1"><label>1</label><citation-alternatives><mixed-citation xml:lang="ru">Виноградов А.В. (2020) Гонконг-2019: вызов модели «одно государство – два строя» // Проблемы Дальнего Востока. № 1. С. 43–58. 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