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<article article-type="research-article" dtd-version="1.3" xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xml:lang="ru"><front><journal-meta><journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">centero</journal-id><journal-title-group><journal-title xml:lang="ru">Контуры глобальных трансформаций: политика, экономика, право</journal-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law</trans-title></trans-title-group></journal-title-group><issn pub-type="ppub">2542-0240</issn><issn pub-type="epub">2587-9324</issn><publisher><publisher-name>Center for Crisis Society Studies</publisher-name></publisher></journal-meta><article-meta><article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.23932/2542-0240-2021-14-1-6</article-id><article-id custom-type="elpub" pub-id-type="custom">centero-721</article-id><article-categories><subj-group subj-group-type="heading"><subject>Research Article</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="ru"><subject>Проблемы Старого Света</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="en"><subject>Problems of the Old World</subject></subj-group></article-categories><title-group><article-title>Гренландия и Дания: арктический сецессионизм в силовом поле мировой политики</article-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>Greenland and Denmark: Arctic Secessionism in a Global Powerplay</trans-title></trans-title-group></title-group><contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><contrib-id contrib-id-type="orcid">https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8983-5378</contrib-id><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Криворотов</surname><given-names>А. К.</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Krivorotov</surname><given-names>A. A.</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>Андрей Константинович Криворотов - кандидат экономических наук, доцент кафедры управления инновациями</p><p>143007, ул. Ново-Cпортивная, д. 3, Одинцово, Московская область</p></bio><bio xml:lang="en"><p>Andrey A. Krivorotov - PhD in Economics, Assistant Professor, Innovation Management Department </p><p>143007, Novo-Sportivnaya St., 3, Odintsovo, Moscow District </p></bio><email xlink:type="simple">a.krivorotov@odin.mgimo.ru</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-1"/></contrib></contrib-group><aff-alternatives id="aff-1"><aff xml:lang="ru"><institution>Московский государственный институт международных отношений МИД России, Одинцовский филиал</institution><country>Россия</country></aff><aff xml:lang="en"><institution>Moscow State Institute of International Relations (MGIMO University), Odintsovo branch</institution><country>Russian Federation</country></aff></aff-alternatives><pub-date pub-type="collection"><year>2021</year></pub-date><pub-date pub-type="epub"><day>27</day><month>01</month><year>2021</year></pub-date><volume>14</volume><issue>1</issue><issue-title>Сепаратизм, сецессионизм и государственные границы</issue-title><fpage>118</fpage><lpage>134</lpage><permissions><copyright-statement>Copyright &amp;#x00A9; Криворотов А.К., 2021</copyright-statement><copyright-year>2021</copyright-year><copyright-holder xml:lang="ru">Криворотов А.К.</copyright-holder><copyright-holder xml:lang="en">Krivorotov A.A.</copyright-holder><license xml:lang="ru" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>Данная работа распространяется под лицензией Creative Commons Attribution 4.0.</license-p></license><license xml:lang="en" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License.</license-p></license></permissions><self-uri xlink:href="https://www.ogt-journal.com/jour/article/view/721">https://www.ogt-journal.com/jour/article/view/721</self-uri><abstract><p>Гренландия, крупнейший в мире остров, населенный преимущественно инуитами, до 1953 г. была датской колонией, а затем – частью королевства, пользуясь все более широкой автономией. Около 2/3 ее жителей выступают за полное отделение, которому препятствует, прежде всего, зависимость от датских бюджетных трансфертов. Начиная с 2005 г. правительство и компании КНР поддерживают с Гренландией тесный диалог, рассматривая ее как точку проникновения в Арктику и богатый источник природных ресурсов (включая редкоземельные элементы), хотя крупных инвестиций пока не вложили. США в последнее время стремятся пресечь это сотрудничество и поставить Гренландию под свой более прямой контроль по соображениям военной, внешней и ресурсной политики. Наибольшую известность получила инициатива президента США Трампа о покупке острова в 2019 г. Дания, несмотря на тесные союзнические отношения с США, обеспокоена как американским, так и китайским проникновением на остров и пытается стать для Гренландии более привлекательным патроном, чтобы избежать ее отделения. Сами же власти Гренландии подтверждают намерение бороться за полную независимость от Дании. В статье предложены три сценария среднесрочного развития событий, при которых Гренландия остается в слабеющей унии с Данией, попадает в зависимость от США или обретает полную государственность, становясь предметом конкуренции крупных держав. Независимо от исхода, России необходимо внимательно отслеживать ход событий и играть в Арктике активную роль, не втягиваясь в соперничество США и КНР.</p></abstract><trans-abstract xml:lang="en"><p>Greenland, the biggest island in the world inhabited predominantly by Inuits, was a Danish colony before 1953 and has since then been a part of the Danish realm with a gradually increasing autonomy. Some 2/3 of its population favor a complete secession, but the heavy dependence upon Danish budget subsidies is the main challenge. The Chinese government and companies have since 2005 maintained a close dialogue with Greenland as an entry point to the Arctic and a rich base of natural resources (including rare earth elements), though there has not been major investments yet. The U.S. have lately tried to halt this cooperation for the reasons of foreign, security and resource policy, and to put Greenland under a tighter American control. President Trump’s purchase offer in 2019 was the most publicized initiative. Denmark, despite its close alliance with the United States, is worried by either American or Chinese involvement and tries to become a good patron for Greenland to prevent its secession. Meanwhile, the Greenlandic authorities confirm their political will to struggle for a complete independence from Denmark. The article suggests three medium-term scenarios, with Greenland remaining in an gradually looser union with Denmark, moving into the U.S. domain and acquiring a full statehood with a subsequent competition of great powers. Whatever the outcome, Russia shall monitor the development closely and play an active role in the Arctic, not taking a part in the US-China rivalry.</p></trans-abstract><kwd-group xml:lang="ru"><kwd>Гренландия</kwd><kwd>самоуправление</kwd><kwd>сецессионизм</kwd><kwd>Дания</kwd><kwd>противостояние КНР – США</kwd><kwd>Арктика</kwd><kwd>редкоземельные элементы</kwd><kwd>сценарии</kwd><kwd>Россия</kwd></kwd-group><kwd-group xml:lang="en"><kwd>Greenland</kwd><kwd>self-rule</kwd><kwd>secessionism</kwd><kwd>Denmark</kwd><kwd>China-US confrontation</kwd><kwd>Arctic</kwd><kwd>rare earth elements</kwd><kwd>scenarios</kwd><kwd>Russia</kwd></kwd-group></article-meta></front><back><ref-list><title>References</title><ref id="cit1"><label>1</label><citation-alternatives><mixed-citation xml:lang="ru">Возгрин В.Е. (1984) Гренландия и гренландцы. М.: Мысль.</mixed-citation><mixed-citation xml:lang="en">Ahlness E.A. 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