centeroКонтуры глобальных трансформаций: политика, экономика, правоOutlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law2542-02402587-9324Center for Crisis Society Studies10.23932/2542-0240-2017-10-1-13-32centero-5Research ArticleТеория политикиPolitical TheoryКОНЦЕПЦИЯ НОВОЙ ДЕМОКРАТИЧЕСКОЙ ЛЕГИТИМНОСТИ И БУДУЩЕЕ ЕВРОПЕЙСКОГО СОЮЗАTHE CONCEPT OF NEW DEMOCRATIC LEGITIMACY AND THE FUTURE OF THE EUROPEAN UNIONhttps://orcid.org/0000-0002-3153-1598ПабстАдрианPabstAdrian

Адриан Пабст, Ph.D (философия религии), лектор факультета политологии имеждународных отношений, Кентский университет.

Кентербери, Кент, Великобритания.

Adrian Pabst, Ph.D (philosophy of religion), lecturer, School of Politics and International, University of Kent.

Canterbury, Kent, United Kingdom.

a.pabst@kent.ac.ukФакультет политологии и международных отношений, Кентский университет.ВеликобританияSchool of Politics and International, University of Kent.United Kingdom201731072017101Феномен современного евроскептицизма: истоки, перспективы, национальные различия1332Copyright © Пабст А., 20172017Пабст А.Pabst A.Данная работа распространяется под лицензией Creative Commons Attribution 4.0.This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License.https://www.ogt-journal.com/jour/article/view/5

Весьма часто упоминаемый, но не до конца понятый «демократический дефицит» в отношении ЕС является одной из главных тем как научных исследований, так и политических дебатов. Представленная статья начинается с гипотезы о том, что ни сам процесс принятия решений в ЕС, ни его конкретные результаты не пользуются поддержкой большинства населения. Является ли отсутствие такой демократической легитимности результатом наличия неисправностей институционального дизайна ЕС или же речь идет о следствиях более глубокого кризиса самой идеи европейского политического проекта? С моей точки зрения, доминирующие модели интеграции – среди которых неофункциональный наднационализм и либеральная межправительственная модель – основаны на трех ошибках: 1) примат экономической интеграции по отношению к политическому союзу, что привело к установлению рыночной модели, при которой союз оказался не встроен в общество, а граждане подчинялись общим экономическим и политическим правилам; 2) преждевременный процесс конституализации, кульминацией которой стали отказ от подписания Конституционного Договора в 2005 г. и небезупречный Лиссабонский договор; 3) современные институциональные преобразования, способствовавшие концентрации власти в руках наднациональных институтов и национальных правительств в ущерб влиянию самих граждан Союза. В первой части статьи поставлен вопрос о демократической легитимности в контексте сдвига ЕС в направлении дезинтеграции. Во второй части представлено состояние кризиса легитимности ЕС и выделены его основные причины, которые привели к современному состоянию. В третьей части автор делает предположение, что ряд таких причин может быть найден еще в самом начале возникновения Европейского проекта в послевоенное время 1945 г. В четвертой части автор доказывает, что перспективы для ядра ЕС (вокруг стран Еврозоны) заметно снижаются. В пятой части автор намечает новый порядок, в основу которого положена идея Европы наций. Последняя же часть статьи продолжает эту идею в приложении к принципу общего гражданского блага, основанному на общей культуре европейских государств.  

Both academic research and political debate have focused on the European Union’s much-mentioned but little-understood ‘democratic deficit’. By contrast, this article shifts the emphasis to the issue of the EU’s crisis of legitimacy. It begins by suggesting that neither the process nor the outcomes of EU-wide decision-making appears to command majority support. Is this lack of democratic legitimacy merely the result of institutional ‘design faults’ or does it reflect a wider and deeper crisis underpinning the EU’s entire political project? My argument is that the dominant models of integration – neo-functional supranationalism and liberal intergovernmentalism – rest on three errors: (1) the primacy of economic integration over political union, which has led to a marketstate that is disembedded from society and a citizenry that is subordinated to the joint rule of the economic and the political; (2) a premature process of constitutionalisation that culminated in the rejection of the 2005 Constitutional Treaty and the flawed Lisbon Treaty; (3) the current institutional arrangements that concentrate power in the hands of supranational institutions and national governments at the expense of the Union’s citizenry. The first section puts the question of democratic legitimacy in the context of the EU’s current slide towards disintegration. Section two provides an account of the EU’s crisis of legitimacy and explores the main causes that have led to this predicament. Section three suggests that some of the origins can be traced to the inception of the European project in the post-1945 era. Section four argues that the prospect for a core EU (around the Eurozone countries) is rapidly receding. Section five outlines a new settlement that focuses on the idea of a Europe of nations, while the final section develops this thinking in the direction of a civic commonwealth that is grounded in the shared culture of European countries.

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The authors declare that there are no conflicts of interest present.