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<article article-type="research-article" dtd-version="1.3" xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xml:lang="ru"><front><journal-meta><journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">centero</journal-id><journal-title-group><journal-title xml:lang="ru">Контуры глобальных трансформаций: политика, экономика, право</journal-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law</trans-title></trans-title-group></journal-title-group><issn pub-type="ppub">2542-0240</issn><issn pub-type="epub">2587-9324</issn><publisher><publisher-name>Center for Crisis Society Studies</publisher-name></publisher></journal-meta><article-meta><article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.23932/2542-0240-2019-12-1-133-158</article-id><article-id custom-type="elpub" pub-id-type="custom">centero-408</article-id><article-categories><subj-group subj-group-type="heading"><subject>Research Article</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="ru"><subject>В национальном разрезе</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="en"><subject>National Peculiarities</subject></subj-group></article-categories><title-group><article-title>Российско-австралийские отношения до и после украинского кризиса</article-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>Russia-Australia Relations before and after the Ukrainian Crisis</trans-title></trans-title-group></title-group><contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><contrib-id contrib-id-type="orcid">https://orcid.org/0000-0002-3987-8860</contrib-id><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Кривушин</surname><given-names>И. В.</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Krivushin</surname><given-names>I. V.</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>доктор исторических наук, профессор, заместитель руководителя Департамента международных отношений119017, ул. Малая Ордынка, д. 17, Москва, Российская Федерация;</p><p>ведущий научный сотрудник119334, Ленинский проспект, д. 32а, Москва, Российская Федерация</p></bio><bio xml:lang="en"><p>DSc in History, Professor, Deputy Head, Department of International Relations119017, Malaya Ordynka St., 17, Moscow, Russian Federation;Leading Researcher,119334, Leninsky Av., 32а, Moscow, Russian Federation</p></bio><email xlink:type="simple">ivankrivushin@gmail.com</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-1"/></contrib></contrib-group><aff-alternatives id="aff-1"><aff xml:lang="ru"><institution>Национальный исследовательский университет Высшая школа экономики&#13;
Институт всеобщей истории РАН</institution><country>Россия</country></aff><aff xml:lang="en"><institution>National Research University Higher School of Economics&#13;
Institute of World History of the Russian Academy of Sciences</institution><country>Russian Federation</country></aff></aff-alternatives><pub-date pub-type="collection"><year>2019</year></pub-date><pub-date pub-type="epub"><day>01</day><month>04</month><year>2019</year></pub-date><volume>12</volume><issue>1</issue><issue-title>Россия и Азиатско-Тихоокеанский регион</issue-title><fpage>133</fpage><lpage>158</lpage><permissions><copyright-statement>Copyright &amp;#x00A9; Кривушин И.В., 2019</copyright-statement><copyright-year>2019</copyright-year><copyright-holder xml:lang="ru">Кривушин И.В.</copyright-holder><copyright-holder xml:lang="en">Krivushin I.V.</copyright-holder><license xml:lang="ru" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>Данная работа распространяется под лицензией Creative Commons Attribution 4.0.</license-p></license><license xml:lang="en" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License.</license-p></license></permissions><self-uri xlink:href="https://www.ogt-journal.com/jour/article/view/408">https://www.ogt-journal.com/jour/article/view/408</self-uri><abstract><p>В статье рассматривается кризис в российско-австралийских отношениях после присоединения Крыма к России в марте 2014 г. с точки зрения как Москвы, так и Канберры. Автор заключает, что в 2014–2015 гг. Кремль не принял во внимание ряд факторов, таких как очень ограниченная заинтересованность Австралии в торговле с Россией, растущее недоверие официальной Канберры к внешнеполитическим намерениям Москвы и восприятие России как ревизионистской державы (особенно после российско-грузинской войны 2008 г.), сильное чувство солидарности со странами Запада у австралийской политической элиты и постепенно ухудшавшийся образ России в австралийском общественном мнении, которые негативно влияли на отношение Канберры к Кремлю еще до 2014 г. и которые сделали неизбежным резкое ухудшение двусторонних отношений в связи с украинским кризисом. В будущем эти отношения могут еще больше осложнить растущая конкуренция Австралии и России на азиатских газовых рынках и слишком тесное сближение Москвы с Пекином.</p></abstract><trans-abstract xml:lang="en"><p>The crisis of Australian-Russian relations after Russia’s annexation of Crimea in March 2014 and the set of factors that caused it have received little attention from scholars of international affairs. The article contributes to addressing this research lacuna. It examines the 2014–2015 crisis in bilateral relations from the point of view of both Moscow and of Canberra. The author analyses the evolution of these relations before 2014 to understand whether the Ukrainian crisis was the cause of their sharp deterioration in 2014–2015, or it only accelerated the process that began much earlier. He demonstrates that Australia had no close political and economic ties with Russia, and the two countries did not consider each other as priority partners. The article finds that in 2014–2015 the Kremlin did not take into account a number of factors, such as very limited interest of Australia in commercial exchanges with Russia, Canberra’s growing suspicions about Moscow’s foreign policy intentions and view of Russia as a revisionist power (especially after the 2008 Russia-Georgia war), a strong sense of solidarity with the West among Australia’s political elites, and Russia’s increasingly worsening public image in Australia, that negatively affected Canberra’s stance towards the Kremlin even before 2014, and which greatly contributed to the crisis in bilateral relations. As for future development, the author identifies two factors that may have a negative impact on Russian-Australian relations: 1) rising energy demand in China and India, making Russia and Australia potential competitors in Asia’s gas markets; 2) a too close rapprochement of Moscow with Beijing, fraughtwith the risk of embroiling Russia in a web of conflicts in the Western Pacific.</p></trans-abstract><kwd-group xml:lang="ru"><kwd>Россия</kwd><kwd>Австралия</kwd><kwd>российско-грузинская война</kwd><kwd>украинский кризис</kwd><kwd>политические отношения</kwd><kwd>торговля</kwd><kwd>общественное мнение</kwd></kwd-group><kwd-group xml:lang="en"><kwd>Russia</kwd><kwd>Australia</kwd><kwd>Russian-Georgian war</kwd><kwd>Ukrainian crisis</kwd><kwd>political relations</kwd><kwd>trade</kwd><kwd>public opinion</kwd></kwd-group></article-meta></front><back><ref-list><title>References</title><ref id="cit1"><label>1</label><citation-alternatives><mixed-citation xml:lang="ru">Авдулов Н.Н. 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