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<article article-type="research-article" dtd-version="1.3" xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xml:lang="ru"><front><journal-meta><journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">centero</journal-id><journal-title-group><journal-title xml:lang="ru">Контуры глобальных трансформаций: политика, экономика, право</journal-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law</trans-title></trans-title-group></journal-title-group><issn pub-type="ppub">2542-0240</issn><issn pub-type="epub">2587-9324</issn><publisher><publisher-name>Center for Crisis Society Studies</publisher-name></publisher></journal-meta><article-meta><article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.31249/kgt/2025.05.02</article-id><article-id custom-type="elpub" pub-id-type="custom">centero-2022</article-id><article-categories><subj-group subj-group-type="heading"><subject>Research Article</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="ru"><subject>Азия: вызовы и перспективы</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="en"><subject>Asia: Challenges and Perspectives</subject></subj-group></article-categories><title-group><article-title>Выборы 2025 г. в верхнюю палату японского парламента: уроки для политического мейнстрима</article-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>The 2025 Elections to the Upper House of the Japanese Parliament: Lessons for the Political Mainstream</trans-title></trans-title-group></title-group><contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><contrib-id contrib-id-type="orcid">https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7177-2831</contrib-id><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Стрельцов</surname><given-names>Д. В.</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Streltsov</surname><given-names>D. V.</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>Дмитрий Викторович Стрельцов, доктор исторических наук, профессор; главный научный сотрудник</p><p>проспект Вернадского, д. 76, г. Москва, 119454</p><p>Нахимовский проспект, д. 32, г. Москва, 117997</p></bio><bio xml:lang="en"><p>Dmitry V. Streltsov, Dr. Sc. (History), Professor; Chief Researcher</p><p>Vernadskogo Avenue, 76, Moscow, 119454</p><p>Nakhimovsky Avenue, 32, Moscow, 117997</p></bio><email xlink:type="simple">d.streltsov@inno.mgimo.ru</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-1"/></contrib></contrib-group><aff-alternatives id="aff-1"><aff xml:lang="ru"><institution>МГИМО МИД России; Институт Китая и современной Азии РАН (ИКСА РАН)</institution><country>Россия</country></aff><aff xml:lang="en"><institution>MGIMO – University; Institute of China and Contemporary Asia of the Russian Academy of Sciences</institution><country>Russian Federation</country></aff></aff-alternatives><pub-date pub-type="collection"><year>2025</year></pub-date><pub-date pub-type="epub"><day>10</day><month>09</month><year>2026</year></pub-date><volume>18</volume><issue>5</issue><issue-title>Современные электоральные процессы: новые явления и участники</issue-title><fpage>25</fpage><lpage>41</lpage><permissions><copyright-statement>Copyright &amp;#x00A9; Стрельцов Д.В., 2026</copyright-statement><copyright-year>2026</copyright-year><copyright-holder xml:lang="ru">Стрельцов Д.В.</copyright-holder><copyright-holder xml:lang="en">Streltsov D.V.</copyright-holder><license xml:lang="ru" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>Данная работа распространяется под лицензией Creative Commons Attribution 4.0.</license-p></license><license xml:lang="en" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License.</license-p></license></permissions><self-uri xlink:href="https://www.ogt-journal.com/jour/article/view/2022">https://www.ogt-journal.com/jour/article/view/2022</self-uri><abstract><p>В статье анализируются итоги выборов в палату советни‑ ков японского парламента, состоявшихся 20 июля 2025 г., в ходе которых правящая коалиция Либерально-демократической партии (ЛДП) и «Комэйто» потерпела поражение и оказалась в меньшинстве. Автор подробно рассматривает причины электорального успеха правых оппозиционных партий, существенно потеснивших ЛДП в верхней палате, прежде всего партии «Сансэйто». Помимо плохой экономической ситуации в стране, разочарования избирателей в недостаточных мерах, принимаемых ЛДП по искоренению политической коррупции, а также сокращения электоральной базы «Комэйто», важной причиной стал общий кризис общественного доверия к традиционному политическому истеблишменту Японии, а также резкое усиление антисистемных настроений в японском обществе. Значительный сегмент консервативного электората качнулся в сторону политической альтернативы, предоставленной популистскими партиями – «Сансэйто» и Демократической партии для народа (ДПН). Эти партии нашли новый и очень эффективный инструмент воздействия на массы – социальные сети и стриминговые каналы, с помощью которых им удалось мобилизовать на выборы «плавающие голоса» консервативных избирателей. Та‑ ким образом, неудаче ЛДП и «Комэйто», а также успехам оппозиционных партий способствовал всплеск общественного интереса к выборам на фоне широкого общественного недовольства действующей властью.</p></abstract><trans-abstract xml:lang="en"><p>The article analyzes the results of the elections to the House of Councillors of the Japanese Parliament, held on July 20, 2025, in which the ruling coalition of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and Komeito was defeated and found itself in the minority. The author examines in detail the reasons for the electoral success of the right-wing opposition parties, above all the Sanseito party, which significantly displaced the LDP in the upper house. In addition to the poor economic situation in the country, the voters’ disappointment with the LDP’s insufficient measures to eradicate political corruption, and the shrinking of Komeito’s electoral base, an important reason was the general crisis of public confidence in Japan’s traditional political establishment, as well as a sharp increase in anti-systemic sentiments in Japanese society. A significant segment of the conservative electorate swung towards the political alternative provided by the populist parties – Sanseito and the Democratic Party for the People. These parties have found a new and very effective tool for influencing the masses – social media and streaming channels, through which they have managed to mobilize the “floating votes” of the conservative electorate. Thus, the failure of the LDP and Komeito and the successes of the opposition parties were facilitated by a surge of public interest in the elections against the background of widespread public discontent with the current government.</p></trans-abstract><kwd-group xml:lang="ru"><kwd>выборы в палату советников</kwd><kwd>социальные сети</kwd><kwd>партия «Сансэйто»</kwd><kwd>парламентская оппозиция</kwd><kwd>консервативный протест</kwd><kwd>электоральный выбор</kwd></kwd-group><kwd-group xml:lang="en"><kwd>elections to the House of Councillors</kwd><kwd>social media</kwd><kwd>Sanseito Party</kwd><kwd>parliamentary opposition</kwd><kwd>conservative protest</kwd><kwd>electoral choice</kwd></kwd-group></article-meta></front><back><ref-list><title>References</title><ref id="cit1"><label>1</label><citation-alternatives><mixed-citation xml:lang="ru">Невская Т.А. 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