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<article article-type="research-article" dtd-version="1.3" xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xml:lang="ru"><front><journal-meta><journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">centero</journal-id><journal-title-group><journal-title xml:lang="ru">Контуры глобальных трансформаций: политика, экономика, право</journal-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law</trans-title></trans-title-group></journal-title-group><issn pub-type="ppub">2542-0240</issn><issn pub-type="epub">2587-9324</issn><publisher><publisher-name>Center for Crisis Society Studies</publisher-name></publisher></journal-meta><article-meta><article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.31249/kgt/2025.01.05</article-id><article-id custom-type="elpub" pub-id-type="custom">centero-1629</article-id><article-categories><subj-group subj-group-type="heading"><subject>Research Article</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="ru"><subject>АЗИЯ: ВЫЗОВЫ И ПЕРСПЕКТИВЫ</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="en"><subject>ASIA: CHALLENGES AND PERSPECTIVES</subject></subj-group></article-categories><title-group><article-title>Особенности расширения БРИКС в Юго-Восточной Азии</article-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>Specifics of BRICS Expansion into Southeast Asia</trans-title></trans-title-group></title-group><contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><contrib-id contrib-id-type="orcid">https://orcid.org/0000-0002-9924-2493</contrib-id><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Рогожина</surname><given-names>Н. Г.</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Rogozhina</surname><given-names>N. G.</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>Рогожина Наталия Григорьевна - доктор политических наук, главный научный сотрудник.</p><p>Профсоюзная ул., д. 23, Москва, 117997</p></bio><bio xml:lang="en"><p>Nataliya G. Rogozhina - Dr. Sc. (Politics), Chief Researcher.</p><p>Profsoyuznaya Street, 23, Moscow, 117997</p></bio><email xlink:type="simple">ngrogozhina@mail.ru</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-1"/></contrib></contrib-group><aff-alternatives id="aff-1"><aff xml:lang="ru"><institution>Национальный исследовательский институт мировой экономики и международных отношений им. Е.М. Примакова РАН</institution><country>Россия</country></aff><aff xml:lang="en"><institution>Primakov National Research Institute of World Economy and International Relations of the Russian Academy of Sciences</institution><country>Russian Federation</country></aff></aff-alternatives><pub-date pub-type="collection"><year>2025</year></pub-date><pub-date pub-type="epub"><day>28</day><month>05</month><year>2025</year></pub-date><volume>18</volume><issue>1</issue><fpage>72</fpage><lpage>89</lpage><permissions><copyright-statement>Copyright &amp;#x00A9; Рогожина Н.Г., 2025</copyright-statement><copyright-year>2025</copyright-year><copyright-holder xml:lang="ru">Рогожина Н.Г.</copyright-holder><copyright-holder xml:lang="en">Rogozhina N.G.</copyright-holder><license xml:lang="ru" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>Данная работа распространяется под лицензией Creative Commons Attribution 4.0.</license-p></license><license xml:lang="en" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License.</license-p></license></permissions><self-uri xlink:href="https://www.ogt-journal.com/jour/article/view/1629">https://www.ogt-journal.com/jour/article/view/1629</self-uri><abstract><p>С января 2025 г. полноправным членом БРИКС стала Индонезия, две другие страны Юго-Восточной Азии (ЮВА), Малайзия и Таиланд, получили статус государств-партнеров этой организации. Что мотивировало их присоединиться к международному блоку, выражающему интересы Глобального Юга, и с какими рисками они могут столкнуться? Эти вопросы и стали предметом анализа в статье. При схожести позиций стран ЮВА в отношении БРИКС они тем не менее имеют страновые отличия, что побудило автора выделить Индонезию, Малайзию и Таиланд в отдельные кейсы. Это позволяет более детально изучить факторы и аргументы, лежащие в основе их решения по вхождению в блок развивающихся стран с надеждой на получение дополнительных экономических выгод от расширения сотрудничества с ними. Для них платформа многостороннего блока рассматривается как возможность увеличить число своих экономических партнеров и получить доступ на новые рынки, к новым инвестициям и технологиям. Но не менее важно для них геополитическое содержание блока с его устремлениями на трансформацию мирового порядка. Желание адаптироваться к меняющейся геополитической системе, чтобы не упустить возможность, побуждает страны ЮВА войти в состав БРИКС, что, по их мнению, обеспечивает двойную выгоду: сохранить стратегическую автономию и повысить свой вес в решении глобальных проблем. Подобная позиция в Индонезии и Малайзии формируется в немалой степени под влиянием личных амбиций их лидеров, стремящихся играть важную роль на международной арене и стать рупором развивающихся стран. Однако приобретенные в будущем выгоды от присоединения к БРИКС сопряжены с рядом рисков, к числу которых относится как возможность осложнения взаимоотношений с развитыми странами, в первую очередь США и странами Европейского союза, которые являются их важными торговыми партнерами и источниками инвестиций, так и рост сверхзависимости от Китая, что способно спровоцировать рост антикитайских настроений в обществе и сказаться на репутации Индонезии и Малайзии как неприсоединившихся стран, стремящихся хеджироваться между соперничающими между собой США и Китаем. По мнению автора, чтобы обеспечить долгосрочное экономическое процветание и геополитическую безопасность, страны ЮВА должны тщательно балансировать свои отношения в рамках БРИКС с отношениями за пределами блока.</p></abstract><trans-abstract xml:lang="en"><p>As of January 2025, Indonesia has become a full member of BRICS, while two other Southeast Asian countries - Malaysia and 'Thailand - have acquired the status of partner states within the organization. This development raises important questions: what motivated these countries to align themselves with an international bloc representing the interests of the Global South, and what risks might such a decision entail? These questions form the core of the analysis presented in this article. Despite broadly similar positions among Southeast Asian countries regarding BRICS, distinct national considerations necessitate a case-specific approach. Accordingly, the article ex-amines Indonesia, Malaysia, and Thailand separately to explore the unique domestic and geopolitical factors that shaped their respective decisions. This approach enables a more nuanced understanding of the incentives and strategic calculations behind their engagement with the bloc, which is viewed as a vehicle for securing additional economic benefits through expanded cooperation with other developing economies. Equally important to them is the geopolitical dimension of the bloc, with its aspirations to reshape the global order. The desire to adapt to the evolving geopolitical landscape and seize emerging opportunities drives Southeast Asian countries to seek membership in BRICS. In their view, joining the bloc offers a dual advantage - preserving strategic autonomy while enhancing their influence in global decision-making. In Indonesia and Malaysia, this stance is largely shaped by the personal ambitions of their leaders, who aspire to play a prominent role on the international stage and serve as a voice for developing nations. However, the long-term benefits of BRICS membership come with significant risks. These include potential strains in relations with developed economies - primarily the United States and the European Union - both of which are crucial trade partners and key sources of investment. Additionally, deeper dependence on China, could fuel anti-Chinese sentiment domestically, potentially undermining Indonesia and Malaysia's reputations as non-aligned states seeking to hedge between the competing interests of the U.S. and China. According to the author, ensuring long-term economic prosperity and geopolitical stability requires, Southeast Asian countries to carefully navigate their engagements with-in BRICS while maintaining balanced relations beyond the bloc.</p></trans-abstract><kwd-group xml:lang="ru"><kwd>БРИКС</kwd><kwd>страны Юго-Восточной Азии</kwd><kwd>Индонезия</kwd><kwd>Малайзия</kwd><kwd>Таиланд</kwd><kwd>Глобальный Юг</kwd><kwd>трансформация миропорядка</kwd><kwd>развивающиеся страны</kwd></kwd-group><kwd-group xml:lang="en"><kwd>BRICS</kwd><kwd>Southeast Asian countries</kwd><kwd>Indonesia</kwd><kwd>Malaysia</kwd><kwd>Thailand</kwd><kwd>Global South</kwd><kwd>world order transformation</kwd><kwd>developing countries</kwd></kwd-group></article-meta></front><back><ref-list><title>References</title><ref id="cit1"><label>1</label><citation-alternatives><mixed-citation xml:lang="ru">Рогожина Н.Г. 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