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<article article-type="research-article" dtd-version="1.3" xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xml:lang="ru"><front><journal-meta><journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">centero</journal-id><journal-title-group><journal-title xml:lang="ru">Контуры глобальных трансформаций: политика, экономика, право</journal-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law</trans-title></trans-title-group></journal-title-group><issn pub-type="ppub">2542-0240</issn><issn pub-type="epub">2587-9324</issn><publisher><publisher-name>Center for Crisis Society Studies</publisher-name></publisher></journal-meta><article-meta><article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.31249/kgt/2022.02.13</article-id><article-id custom-type="elpub" pub-id-type="custom">centero-1059</article-id><article-categories><subj-group subj-group-type="heading"><subject>Research Article</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="ru"><subject>Панорама Африки и Ближнего Востока</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="en"><subject>Africa and the Middle East: the Сhanging Landscape</subject></subj-group></article-categories><title-group><article-title>Борьба между катарско-турецким и саудовско-эмиратским блоком за влияние в Афганистане</article-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>The Struggle between the Qatari-Turkish and Saudi-Emirati Bloc for the Infl uence in Afghanistan</trans-title></trans-title-group></title-group><contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><contrib-id contrib-id-type="orcid">https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5418-2792</contrib-id><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Хайруллин</surname><given-names>Т. Р.</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Khayrullin</surname><given-names>T. R.</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>Тимур Радикович ХАЙРУЛЛИН, кандидат политических наук, старший научный сотрудникЦентра цивилизационных и региональных исследований; старший научный сотрудник кафедры африканистики и арабистики; старший преподаватель Департамента политологии</p><p>123001, ул. Спиридоновка, д. 30/1, Москва</p><p>117198, ул. Миклухо-Маклая, д. 6, Москва</p><p>125993, Ленинградский проспект, д. 49, Москва</p></bio><bio xml:lang="en"><p>Timur R. KHAYRULLIN, PhD in Politics, senior researcher, Centre for Civilizational and regional studies; Senior researcher, Department of African and Arabic Studies; Senior lecturer</p><p>123001, Spiridonovka St., 30/1, Moscow</p><p>117198, Miklukho-Maklai St., 6. Moscow</p><p>125993, Leningradskii St., 49, Moscow</p></bio><email xlink:type="simple">jumglaw16@yandex.ru</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-1"/></contrib><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><contrib-id contrib-id-type="orcid">https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3014-2037</contrib-id><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Коротаев</surname><given-names>А. В.</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Korotayev</surname><given-names>A. V.</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>Андрей Витальевич КОРОТАЕВ, доктор философии (Ph.D.), доктор исторических наук, профессор, заведующий лабораторией мониторинга рисков социально-политической дестабилизации; ведущий научный сотрудник кафедры африканистики и арабистики; главный научный сотрудник Центра цивилизационных и региональных исследований</p><p>101000, ул. Мясницкая, д. 20, Москва</p><p>117198, ул. Миклухо-Маклая, д. 6, Москва</p><p>123001, ул. Спиридоновка, д. 30/1, Москва</p></bio><bio xml:lang="en"><p>Andrey V. KOROTAYEV, Professor; Leading researcher, Department of African and Arabic Studies; Head Researcher, Center for Civilizational and Regional Studies</p><p>101000, Myasnitskaya St. 20, Moscow</p><p>117198, Miklukho-Maklai St., 6. Moscow</p><p>123001, Spiridonovka St., 30/1, Moscow</p></bio><email xlink:type="simple">akorotayev@gmail.com</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-2"/></contrib></contrib-group><aff-alternatives id="aff-1"><aff xml:lang="ru"><institution>Институт Африки РАН; РУДН; Финансовый университет при Правительстве РФ</institution><country>Россия</country></aff><aff xml:lang="en"><institution>Institute for African Studies of the Russian Academy Sciences; RUDN University; Financial University under the Government of the Russian Federation</institution><country>Russian Federation</country></aff></aff-alternatives><aff-alternatives id="aff-2"><aff xml:lang="ru"><institution>Национальный исследовательский университет «Высшая школа экономики»; РУДН; Институт Африки РАН</institution><country>Россия</country></aff><aff xml:lang="en"><institution>HSE University; RUDN University; Institute for African Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences</institution><country>Russian Federation</country></aff></aff-alternatives><pub-date pub-type="collection"><year>2022</year></pub-date><pub-date pub-type="epub"><day>08</day><month>01</month><year>2023</year></pub-date><volume>15</volume><issue>2</issue><fpage>240</fpage><lpage>252</lpage><permissions><copyright-statement>Copyright &amp;#x00A9; Хайруллин Т.Р., Коротаев А.В., 2023</copyright-statement><copyright-year>2023</copyright-year><copyright-holder xml:lang="ru">Хайруллин Т.Р., Коротаев А.В.</copyright-holder><copyright-holder xml:lang="en">Khayrullin T.R., Korotayev A.V.</copyright-holder><license xml:lang="ru" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>Данная работа распространяется под лицензией Creative Commons Attribution 4.0.</license-p></license><license xml:lang="en" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License.</license-p></license></permissions><self-uri xlink:href="https://www.ogt-journal.com/jour/article/view/1059">https://www.ogt-journal.com/jour/article/view/1059</self-uri><abstract><p>Статья посвящена анализу противостояния катарско-турецкого и саудовско-эмиратского блоков за влияние в Исламском Эмирате Афганистан. Выяснено, что со сменой власти в августе 2021 г. в Афганистане целый ряд региональных игроков попытались утвердить свое влияние в стране. Особую активность по укреплению позиций проявил Катар, сумевший на себе замкнуть переговорный процесс между США и талибами до их прихода к власти. Немаловажно, что на роль дипломатического посредника претендовали Саудовская Аравия и ОАЭ, однако утверждение кандидатуры Катара привело к усилению позиций катарско-турецкого альянса. Более того, катарские дипломаты выступили в роли ключевых посредников в деле эвакуации иностранных граждан из Афганистана. Турция оказала внушительную гуманитарную помощь стране, а также совместно с Катаром отстаивала право на восстановление важного объекта инфраструктуры – кабульского аэропорта, на что также претендовали ОАЭ. Важное влияние на внутриполитическую обстановку в Афганистане продолжает оказывать Пакистан, который является покровителем военного крыла «Талибана». Формирование нового афганского правительства осенью 2021 г. определило расстановку сил в стране в пользу Катара и Пакистана, которые поддерживают политический и силовой блок соответственно. Саудовская Аравия не сумела найти необходимые рычаги влияния на новую афганскую власть, однако не теряет надежды использовать Пакистан в качестве своего прокси для давления на талибов с целью недопущения усиления в Афганистане иранских позиций. Таким образом, Афганистан продолжает оставаться ареной борьбы за региональное влияние.</p></abstract><trans-abstract xml:lang="en"><p>The article is devoted to the analysis of the confrontation between the Qatari-Turkish and Saudi-Emirate blocs for the influence in the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan. It was found out that with the change of power in August 2021 in Afghanistan, a number of regional players tried to assert their influence in the country. Qatar was particularly active in strengthening its positions, having managed to close the negotiation process between the United States and the Taliban before they came to power. It is also important that Saudi Arabia and the UAE claimed the role of a diplomatic mediator, but the approval of Qatar's candidacy led to the strengthening of the positions of the Qatari-Turkish alliance. Turkey provided impressive humanitarian assistance to the country, and also jointly with Qatar defended the right to restore an important infrastructure facility – the Kabul airport, which was also claimed by the UAE. Pakistan, which is the military wing of the Taliban, continues to have an important influence on the internal political situation in Afghanistan. The formation of a new Afghan government in the fall of 2021 determined the balance of power in the country in favor of Qatar and Pakistan, which support the political and power bloc, respectively. Saudi Arabia has failed to find the necessary levers of influence on the new Afghan government, but does not lose hope of using Pakistan as its proxy for pressure on the Taliban, in order to prevent the strengthening of the Iranian positions in Afghanistan. Thus, Afghanistan continues to be an arena of struggle for regional influence.</p></trans-abstract><kwd-group xml:lang="ru"><kwd>Афганистан</kwd><kwd>катарско-турецкий альянс</kwd><kwd>Саудовская Аравия</kwd><kwd>талибы</kwd><kwd>Пакистан</kwd><kwd>ОАЭ</kwd><kwd>Турция</kwd><kwd>исламизм</kwd></kwd-group><kwd-group xml:lang="en"><kwd>Afghanistan</kwd><kwd>the Tatar-Turkish alliance</kwd><kwd>Saudi Arabia</kwd><kwd>the Taliban</kwd><kwd>Pakistan</kwd><kwd>the UAE</kwd><kwd>Turkey</kwd><kwd>islamism</kwd></kwd-group></article-meta></front><back><ref-list><title>References</title><ref id="cit1"><label>1</label><citation-alternatives><mixed-citation xml:lang="ru">Васильев А.М., Хайруллин Т.Р., Коротаев А.В. 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