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<article article-type="research-article" dtd-version="1.3" xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xml:lang="ru"><front><journal-meta><journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">centero</journal-id><journal-title-group><journal-title xml:lang="ru">Контуры глобальных трансформаций: политика, экономика, право</journal-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law</trans-title></trans-title-group></journal-title-group><issn pub-type="ppub">2542-0240</issn><issn pub-type="epub">2587-9324</issn><publisher><publisher-name>Center for Crisis Society Studies</publisher-name></publisher></journal-meta><article-meta><article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.31249/kgt/2022.02.06</article-id><article-id custom-type="elpub" pub-id-type="custom">centero-1052</article-id><article-categories><subj-group subj-group-type="heading"><subject>Research Article</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="ru"><subject>Политические процессы в меняющемся мире</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="en"><subject>Political Processes in the Changing World</subject></subj-group></article-categories><title-group><article-title>Военно-политическая стратегия администрации Дж. Байдена</article-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>Military-political Strategy of J. Biden’s Administration</trans-title></trans-title-group></title-group><contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><contrib-id contrib-id-type="orcid">https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1838-8616</contrib-id><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Батюк</surname><given-names>В. И.</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Batyuk</surname><given-names>V. I.</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>Владимир Игоревич БАТЮК, доктор исторических наук, профессор факультета мировой экономики и мировой политики; главный научный сотрудник</p><p>119017, Малая Ордынка ул., д. 17, Москва</p><p>121069, Хлебный пер., д. 2/3, Москва</p></bio><bio xml:lang="en"><p>Vladimir I. BATYUK, DSc in History, Professor; Leading Researcher, Director</p><p>119017, Malaya Ordinka, 17, Moscow</p><p>121069 Khlebnyj Lane, 2/3, Moscow</p></bio><email xlink:type="simple">ctas@inbox.ru</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-1"/></contrib></contrib-group><aff-alternatives id="aff-1"><aff xml:lang="ru"><institution>Национальный исследовательский университет «Высшая школа экономики»; Институт США и Канады РАН</institution><country>Россия</country></aff><aff xml:lang="en"><institution>National Research University Higher School of Economics; Center for the Military-Political Studies Institute for the US and Canadian Studies</institution><country>Russian Federation</country></aff></aff-alternatives><pub-date pub-type="collection"><year>2022</year></pub-date><pub-date pub-type="epub"><day>12</day><month>01</month><year>2023</year></pub-date><volume>15</volume><issue>2</issue><fpage>115</fpage><lpage>132</lpage><permissions><copyright-statement>Copyright &amp;#x00A9; Батюк В.И., 2023</copyright-statement><copyright-year>2023</copyright-year><copyright-holder xml:lang="ru">Батюк В.И.</copyright-holder><copyright-holder xml:lang="en">Batyuk V.I.</copyright-holder><license xml:lang="ru" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>Данная работа распространяется под лицензией Creative Commons Attribution 4.0.</license-p></license><license xml:lang="en" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License.</license-p></license></permissions><self-uri xlink:href="https://www.ogt-journal.com/jour/article/view/1052">https://www.ogt-journal.com/jour/article/view/1052</self-uri><abstract><p>В настоящее время военно-политическая стратегия администрации Дж. Байдена находится в процессе формирования. Американским правящим кругам приходится учитывать неблагоприятные для США перемены в военно-политической обстановке в мире. Американская политика «смены режимов» потерпела полный крах в Афганистане; Соединенные Штаты сталкиваются с укреплением военно-технического потенциала России и КНР. В этих условиях официальный Вашингтон делает ставку на укрепление отношений с партнерами и союзниками и пытается отказаться от некоторых своих международных обязательств (как, например, это произошло в Афганистане). При выработке своей ядерной и космической стратегии, а также военной стратегии в различных регионах мира американское военно-политическое руководство вынуждено исходить из того, что Вашингтон в ряде областей утратил некогда неоспоримое военное превосходство. Фактический отказ президента Байдена от политики продвижения демократии в мире ставит под вопрос претензии Вашингтона на лидерство в сообществе демократических государств. При этом приоритеты американских правящих кругов явно смещаются в направлении Индо-Тихоокеанского региона – в то время как Ближний и Средний Восток теряет свой былой приоритет в их глазах.</p></abstract><trans-abstract xml:lang="en"><p>Currently, the military-political strategy of J. Biden’s administration is in the process of formation. The American ruling circles have to take into account unfavorable changes for the United States in the military- and political situation in the world. The American policy of “regime change” has suffered a complete collapse in Afghanistan; the United States is facing the strengthening of the military- and technical potential of the Russian Federation and China. Under these conditions, official Washington is betting on strengthening relations with partners and allies and is trying to abandon some of its international obligations (as, for example, it happened in Afghanistan). When developing its nuclear and space strategy, as well as military strategy in various regions of the world, the American military and political leadership is forced to proceed from the fact that Washington has lost its once indisputable military superiority in a number of areas. President Biden's actual rejection of the policy of promoting democracy in the world calls into question Washington's claims to leadership in the community of democratic states. At the same time, the priorities of the American ruling circles are clearly shifting in the direction of the Indo-Pacific region – while the Middle East is losing its former priority in their eyes.</p></trans-abstract><kwd-group xml:lang="ru"><kwd>военная стратегия</kwd><kwd>стратегический баланс</kwd><kwd>союзники</kwd><kwd>главный противник</kwd><kwd>идеология внешней политики</kwd></kwd-group><kwd-group xml:lang="en"><kwd>military strategy</kwd><kwd>strategic balance</kwd><kwd>allies</kwd><kwd>the main enemy</kwd><kwd>the ideology of foreign policy</kwd></kwd-group></article-meta></front><back><ref-list><title>References</title><ref id="cit1"><label>1</label><citation-alternatives><mixed-citation xml:lang="ru">Арбатов А.Г. Новые технологические факторы и перспективы контроля над вооружениями / Контроль над вооружениями в новых военно-политических и технологических условиях. – Москва : ИМЭМО РАН, 2020. – 177 с.</mixed-citation><mixed-citation xml:lang="en">Arbatov A. (2020). 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